The
second week of August 50 years ago witnessed the most intensive and violent
period of conflict in the North since the 1920s. It also saw British soldiers
arrive on the streets of Derry and Belfast, where they remained for another 30
years. The fighting in Derry, and the widespread destruction of homes in
Belfast, revealed in all their stark brutality the deeply sectarian nature of
the northern state and exposed the institutional links between the unionist political
establishment, its armed state forces and loyalist paramilitary organisations.
Several recent
publications have been produced about August 1969. They include ‘Burnt Out; How
the Troubles began’ by Michael McCann, and two books of photographs, ‘Ardoyne -
The Aftermath’ and ‘Bombay Street’.
The Clonard Residents Association
has also produced an excellent video film; Eyewitness- The Burning of Bombay
Street, which uses filmed reports of the time, including interviews with
victims - to provide an excellent report of those even. In particular, the
video also makes use of an audio homily given by Fr. Egan of Clonard Monastery,
to the men’s confraternity, a few days after the attack on Clonard by loyalist
mobs and B Specials. Fr. Egan also expresses his gratitude for the courage of
the young men and women who defended the area. The video is available on
youtube at: https://youtu.be/j5_qn19h3WM
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He reminds us that
over the two days of the 14th and 15th August eight
civilians were killed. Seven – including two children - died in Belfast and one
person was shot dead by the B Specials in Armagh. The first British soldier to
be killed was Hugh McCabe, a 20-year-old home on leave who was shot dead by RUC
snipers from the roof of Hasting Street Barracks.
In his meticulously
researched account of August 1969 McCann provides the most comprehensive
explanation of that period. McCann is very blunt about his purpose in writing
the book: “The main aim of my book is to highlight the relationship
produced between reactionary loyalism, state forces and the unionist regime in
the conflagration that erupted in the summer of 1969, which arguably generated
three decades of subsequent violence”.
McCann also reminds
us of one tactic frequently employed by the RUC, political unionism and the
British state throughout the decades of conflict – blame the victim for their
oppression. As Catholic homes burned in Belfast the Stormont regime and the RUC
spuriously claimed that it was all part of a nationalist rebellion. Despite the
clear evidence that the Belfast pogrom was the work of loyalist mobs assisted
by the RUC and B Specials, the Special Powers Act was invoked, and 24
republicans were interned.
A few days after the
destruction of Bombay Street, Percy Street, Conway Street, Hooker Street,
Herbert Street and more, four Ulster Unionist Party Stormont
Ministers held a
press conference on Sunday 17th August to outline their view of
the events of recent days. McCann records that the international and local
media covering the press conference “listened in disbelief” as
the Unionist Ministers tried to blame the Catholic victims of the pogrom. This
included a claim that families had burned their own homes.
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McCann writes: “When
one reporter pointed out to the Education Minister, Captain Long, that
‘Protestants had gone into one area and burnt sixty-seven houses ‘and that his
‘own investigation’ suggested that 200 Catholic houses had been burned, Long
breathtakingly replied that ‘a tremendous amount of those fires have been
started within those areas which were sealed off by the Catholic population
themselves… When asked by a journalist to whom information for a potential
inquiry should be given, the Minister of Home Affairs, Robert Porter, replied:
‘to the police’, at which point ‘almost the entire hall burst into laughter.’”
But unionists were
deadly serious in their desire to defend their aggressive actions by blaming
Catholics. According to McCann the Rev. Martin Smyth, a leading Orangeman
claimed that “most Roman Catholics left at their own wishes. Some fired
their own homes.”
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On the same date
– August 14th - that the British Army was deployed on the streets of
the North the British Home Secretary Jim Callaghan sent Robert Mark, Deputy
Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police and Douglas Osmond, Chief Constable of
Hampshire to Belfast to assess the policing situation. In a report to Callaghan
they described the RUC as a “force apart‟.
They also reported that at the first signs of trouble the RUC reverted to a
paramilitary force where any opposition to the status quo was dealt with by
force. Mark and Osmond concluded that the RUC was a sectarian agency whose role
as an arm of the ruling Unionist party precluded it from performing the duties
of an impartial police force.
The new edition of ‘Bombay Street: Taken from the Ashes’ by Gerry Collins
and ‘Ardoyne – the aftermath’ by Hugh McKeown provide a
different perspective on August 69. These are two unique photographic accounts
of the devastation inflicted on Catholic areas. The books are the work of
Frankie Quinn – a Belfast photographer – and the Belfast Archive Project.
Frankie who is a well-known and celebrated photographer in his own right
recognised the unique significance of the photographs taken in by Gerry and
Hugh.
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