Skip to main content

Peace Talks Now: On Being Seventy Five: More Street Art.

At the separation wall around Bethlehem 2009
 

Peace Talks Now

The scale of the assault by Palestinian fighters into Israel last weekend is unparalleled. The scenes of death and destruction on both sides are heart breaking. But shock and despair at more violence in that region is not the answer.

The roots of these events are to be found in the failure of the international community to take decisive steps to defend international law, challenge Israeli aggression and its continued illegal occupation of Palestinian land, and to recognise the rights of the Palestinian people.

Over the last year there have been increased killings of Palestinians, particularly children, by the Israeli Defence Forces and by Israeli settlers. At the same time the theft of Palestinian land, the existence of the Separation Wall, the growth in Israeli settlements and the destruction of Palestinian schools, homes, sources of water and the imprisonment of thousands of prisoners, have largely been ignored by the international community.

History teaches us that when colonisers engage in wholesale military, political and economic repression and ignore the democratic rights of citizens, this is likely to lead to conflict. This is not new. It is story of colonialism in countless states across the world, including here in Ireland.

I warned of this potential in April 2009 following a visit to the region. During my time in the west Bank, in Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip I met a huge number of NGOs, Israeli and Palestinian human rights organisations, women’s groups, community organisations, a member of Kadima, and all of the main Palestinian political parties.

In a subsequent report of the visit I wrote that decades “after the emergence of the Israeli state and the partition of Palestine, and with the increasing sophistication of the weapons of war on all sides, it is clear that no wall – however high – can provide permanent peace or security.”

I added: “Refusing to engage in dialogue; demonising opponents; treating them as non-citizens; stripping them of their rights and entitlements, of their self esteem and integrity as human beings; engaging in censorship and vilification, makes war easier and peace harder. It is a policy which guarantees a perpetuation of the cycle of conflict.”

The alternative then and today is obvious. Dialogue. Negotiations. More dialogue.

So, after the weekend’s event what should happen next? In 2009 I proposed that:

·         All armed actions or threats of armed actions should cease immediately.

·         An inclusive process of negotiations should commence in which all democratic mandates are respected, clear objectives are set, and there is a fixed timeframe.

·         The siege of the Gaza Strip should end.

·         An immediate and intensive programme of reconstruction and economic development must commence.

·         The ongoing Israeli colonisation of the West Bank and the building of settlements should stop.

·         The occupation of the West Bank and the denial of freedom of movement to Palestinians in the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip, and between the west Bank and Gaza, should end as part of the process to decolonise the West Bank.

·         Mutual and expeditious co-operation between Palestinians and Israelis to enhance public safety and security should commence.

·         United Nations Resolutions and International Law should be enforced.

These steps are even more necessary today. 75 years after the state of Israel was established and millions of Palestinians were forced from their homes to become refugees the imperative of achieving a political settlement is more urgent that ever.

However difficult it will be this is the time for dialogue. The demand of the international community must be for an end to all violence. All those who are decrying last weekends terrible events in the Middle East should organise  a international intervention to establish a proper negotiations process, based upon international law. Anything else is unacceptable. The Irish government could and should play a leadership role in such an initiative.  Dialogue, dialogue is what is required. As soon as possible. That means NOW!

The alternative is too terrible to contemplate. 

 

On Being Seventy Five. 

I  published a version of this reflection  when I was seventy two.Following my recent 75th birthday I  think it deserves another slightly revised outing. I might rewrite and republish it again when Im eighty. Who knows? 

I celebrated my seventy fifth birthday last week.

Seventy five is closer to eighty

Than it is to sixty. Or fifty. Or forty. Or thirty. Or twenty.

But I know that 

I will never be sixty. Or fifty. Or forty. Or thirty. Or twenty.

Ever again.

Sin é.

That’s the way of it. 

That’s life. 

But will I ever be eighty? Nobody knows. That’s the mystery of it. 

The wonder of it. The adventure of it. And the hope.

Me?

I hope to know my grandchildren’s grandchildren.

But not too soon a thaiscí

That’s impossible say the naysayers.

Nothing is impossible I reply.

Content that 

We will find out in the end.

Well, some of us will.

Until then I will try to live every day

Like it is my last day. 

And eventually I will be right.

But from now until then 

I am sure

The best is yet to come.

 

More Street Art. 

Gort Na Mona are leading the way in the Upper Springfield with their brightly coloured electric boxes.

 

 

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Turf Lodge – A Proud Community

This blog attended a very special celebration earlier this week. It was Turf Lodge: 2010 Anois is Arís 50th Anniversary. For those of you who don’t know Turf Lodge is a proud Belfast working class community. Through many difficult years the people of Turf Lodge demonstrated time and time again a commitment to their families and to each other. Like Ballymurphy and Andersonstown, Turf Lodge was one of many estates that were built on the then outskirts of Belfast in the years after the end of World War 2. They were part of a programme of work by Belfast City Corporation known as the ‘Slum clearance and houses redevelopment programme.’ The land on which Turf Lodge was built was eventually bought by the Corporation in June 1956. The name of the estate, it is said, came from a farm on which the estate was built. But it was four years later, in October 1960, and after many disputes and delays between builders and the Corporation, that the first completed houses were handed over for allocation...

Slán Peter John

Sinn Féin MP Conor Murphy, Fergal Caraher’s parents, Mary and Peter John, and Sinn Féin Councillors Brendan Curran and Colman Burns at the memorial in South Armagh dedicated to Fergal Caraher It was a fine autumn morning. The South Armagh hilltops, free of British Army forts, were beautiful in the bright morning light as we drove north from Dublin to Cullyhanna to attend the funeral of Peter John Caraher. This blog has known Peter John and the Caraher family for many years. A few weeks ago his son Miceál contacted me to let me know that Peter John was terminally ill. I told him I would call. It was just before the Ard Fheis. Miceál explained to me that Peter John had been told he only had a few weeks left but had forgotten this and I needed to be mindful of that in my conversation. I was therefore a wee bit apprehensive about the visit but I called and I came away uplifted and very happy. Peter John was in great form. We spent a couple of hours craicing away, telling yarns and in his c...

The Myth Of “Shadowy Figures”

Mise agus Martin and Ted in Stormont Castle 2018 The demonising of republicans has long been an integral part of politics on this island, and especially in the lead into and during electoral campaigns. Through the decades of conflict Unionist leaders and British governments regularly posed as democrats while supporting anti-democratic laws, censorship and the denial of the rights of citizens who voted for Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin Councillors, party activists and family members were killed by unionist death squads, o ften in collusion with British state forces. Successive Irish governments embraced this demonization strategy through Section 31 and state censorship. Sinn Féin was portrayed as undemocratic and dangerous. We were denied municipal or other public buildings to hold events including Ard Fheiseanna. In the years since the Good Friday Agreement these same elements have sought to sustain this narrative. The leaderships of Fianna Fáil, the Irish Labour Party, the SDLP and...