By the time you read this the
new British Prime Minister Boris Johnson will have played a fleeting visit to
the North. The last time he was here it was to speak at a DUP party conference.
On that occasion he joined with them in calling for the backstop to be
ditched.
The North was one of his stops on a quick tour of
his increasingly disunited ‘United Kingdom’. In Scotland, in almost the same
breath, he said that the withdrawal agreement is ‘dead,’ while repeating his claim
that a deal with the EU is still possible. The EU has ruled out any
renegotiation. Downing Street is spinning that Johnson will not negotiate with
EU leaders unless they agree to scrap the backstop and reopen the withdrawal
agreement. Perhaps that’s why, in a breach of the usual protocol, he hasn’t yet
spoken to An Taoiseach Leo Varadkar
At the same time Mr. Johnson’s Brexit ‘war
cabinet,’ and his new team of gung-ho Brexiteer Ministers, have not been
disguising their belief that a no-deal crash out of the EU on October 31st is
almost certain. They have been ramping up the rhetoric and the preparations for
a no-deal.
After meeting Mr. Johnson, Scotland's First
Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, bluntly said that she believes he is set on an "almost
inevitable path to a no-deal Brexit".
Mary Lou McDonald and Michelle O’Neill have been
equally blunt. The Sinn Féin leader set out the republican analysis of the
current state of play, including the Stormont Talks, in a keynote speech in
Belfast on Tuesday morning in advance of the British PM’s visit.
The rights of citizens, including those rights
available in every other state on these islands, must be respected; the Good
Friday Agreement must be honoured; and in the event of a no-deal Brexit the
people of the North should be given an opportunity to vote for which union they
want to be a part of in a unity referendum.
She’s right. Fifty years after the Battle of the
Bogside, the Belfast Pogroms and the refusal of the Unionist regime at Stormont
to implement basic civil rights for citizens, the issue of rights, equality and
respect - that were denied to our parents and grandparents, and previous
generations - is central to any deal, and must be delivered.
In the two and a half years since the institutions
collapsed Sinn Féin has engaged in a serious effort to restore them. Last year,
after a long and difficult negotiation we reached an agreement with the DUP,
which that party promptly walked away from.Since then talks have stuttered
along. However, as Mary Lou explained on Tuesday morning, a report last week
from our negotiations team to our national leadership has concluded that little
progress has been made.
Mary Lou said: “The outstanding issues
remain the outstanding issues. They are not intractable and do not give any
section of the community a win over another section of the community. This is
not a game in which a score is kept. Marriage equality for our LGBT brothers
and sisters does not denigrate the rights of others to marry. Respecting the
rights of Irish speakers does not diminish anyone’s sense of Britishness. Resolving
the past and promoting reconciliation is a threat to no one”.
For its part the DUP continues to ignore the
democratic majority in the North who voted to remain in the 2016 referendum. It
is clear that some within its ranks believe that a no-deal Brexit and a hard
border are the best way to maintain the Union. This is folly and citizens
across this island will pay a heavy price for it.
A report published two weeks by the North’s
Department for the Economy predicts up to 40,000 jobs are at risk in the event
of a no-deal Brexit. An Irish government report predicted between 50-55,000
jobs could be lost in the southern state. This is a huge number of job losses
for our small island.
Last month a confidential British government study
was published by the British Parliament’s Brexit select committee. It
identified 142 areas of co-operation between the 26 counties and the North, and
between the island of Ireland and Britain. They cover health, like cancer
services, education, agriculture, agri-foods, the environment and much more.
Almost every facet of our lives on this island are now intertwined. All of this
and the future of the Good Friday Agreement and of the political institutions
are at risk.
Sinn Féin is a united Ireland party. This objective
is at the heart of everything we believe and do. With James Connolly we believe
that the national and the social are two sides of the same coin and that a real
republic on the island of Ireland requires an end to partition.
There has always been a significant strand of political
opinion across the island – bigger than Sinn Féin – which believes in Irish
unity. Brexit has created the political context in which Irish unity is now a
regular topic of conversation. What would it entail? When should a referendum
on unity be called? Can the island of Ireland afford unity? What of the British
subvention? What sort of new structures – guarantees are needed? And many more
questions are being asked.
Last week, An Taoiseach Leo Varadkar told the
MacGill Summer School that he believes that more and more people in the North,
in the event of a no deal Brexit, “will come to question the
union”. I welcome his belated realisation that a hard Brexit, against
the wishes of people in the North, which takes away their European citizenship,
and undermines the Good Friday Agreement, will increase interest in and support
for Irish Unity.
However, what does Mr.
Varadkar intend doing with this new found understanding? Currently he says that
producing a White Paper or establishing a Forum on Unity would fuel the
accusation that the Irish government is exploiting Brexit. The reality is that
it is the responsibility of governments to plan for different eventualities.
That is one of their main functions. Or it should be. That is the basis of
three years of preparing for Brexit. Why should any Irish government apologise
or make excuses for preparing for potential constitutional change that already
enjoys widespread popular support? It is common sense.
The government has to begin planning for unity. As
Mary Lou said on Tuesday the Irish government has to create “the
environment for the necessary conversation and discussion to take place. Look
at the steps needed to make unity attractive, economically viable, and
welcoming for unionists, and those non-unionists, who have concerns about it. A
Forum which is open to all strands of political opinion on this island can only
be a good initiative”.
The fact is that a growing number of people,
including many from a unionist background, who wish to remain within the EU –
who want to be Europeans - are now seriously considering unity as an option. We
should not underestimate the opposition to an end to the Union. Winning a
referendum on Unity will be a huge challenge. But that is where the focus of
all democrats needs to be. The Irish government has a responsibility to give
leadership on this. Now is the time to plan for the future.
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