When I wrote this column
all of the indications suggested that a general election in the south was very
possible. There was enormous political and media fall-out from the discovery of
emails appearing to show that the former Minister of Justice in the Irish
government knew more than she had admitted about the efforts by an ex-Garda
Commissioner to smear whistleblower Sgt Maurice McCabe.
On Tuesday Tánaiste and
Minister Frances Fitzgerald resigned. With both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil
desperate to avoid a general election she had little other choice in the face
of mounting political and public anger around the release of additional emails
from the Dept. of Justice.
However, the resignation
of Frances Fitzgerald is not the end of the issue. The Charleton Inquiry into protected disclosures will
examine all of this after the New Year and serious questions remain about the
actions of the current Minister for Justice Charlie Flanagan and the handling
of the whole debacle by An Taoiseach Leo Varadkar.
The
email and the election
By the
time this column is published we will know whether there is to be a general
election in the south before Christmas, if the Grand Old Duke of Cork, Micheál
Martin, has marched the Soldiers of Destiny up to the top of the hill, and
“marched them down again” again or if Tánaiste Frances Fitzgerald has fallen on
her sword.
Over the last
four years there have been a series of Garda scandals which have rocked the
southern establishment. Alan Shatter, former Minister for Justice resigned in
2014 and a Garda Commissioner resigned/was sacked depending on whose version of
the account you believe.
As a
consequence An Garda Siochána has become the focus of Reviews, Commissions of
Investigation and a Tribunal of Inquiry. These have looked at almost two
million falsified alcohol breath tests, as well as thousands of wrongful
motoring convictions. There are also serious criticisms of Garda treatment of
whistleblowers. In July members of the Public Accounts Committee in the Dáil
said that Commissioner O’Sullivan’s position was untenable in light of its
findings into financial irregularities at the Garda Training College at
Templemore. So grave has been the disquiet and so persistent the allegations of
maladministration and worse within the Garda that the government was also
forced into establishing a Commission on the
Future of Policing to report on its structure, culture and ethos, recruitment,
training and management. This came after years of refusal to introduce root and
branch reforms.
The
current political crisis has its roots in a convoluted saga about the content
and timing of a key email that was sent to the Tánaiste and former Minister for
Justice Frances Fitzgerald, and seven other senior civil servants in the
Department of Justice, in May 2015. The email was ‘found’ three weeks ago on
November 9th. It was from Michael Flahive, an Assistant Secretary in
the Dept. of Justice. It was based on a call he received from a senior figure
in the Office of the Attorney General. Its purpose was to alert Minister
Fitzgerald to the fact that the legal team for the then Garda Commissioner
O’Sullivan had challenged the motivation of Garda whistleblower Sgt Maurice
McCabe at the O’Higgins Commission of Investigation. The O’Higgins Commission
had been set up in February 2015 to investigate claims by Sgt McCabe of Garda
malpractice in Cavan and Monaghan area.
It was
the intention of the Commissioner’s legal team to introduce a serious criminal
complaint about an alleged sexual assault on a child, against McCabe in an
attempt to undermine his credibility. The complaint had already been dismissed
years earlier.
Maurice
McCabe is the highest profile whistleblower in the history of An Garda
Siochána. For ten years he has spoken out against alleged serious Garda
malpractice, including a penalty point scandal which saw some prominent people having
their penalty points for driving offences wiped. As a result of this and other
accusations McCabe has faced a stream of attacks on his integrity and a
malicious whispering campaign. However the Guerin Report in 2014 into the
penalty point issue praised McCabe as a man of integrity. Subsequently Minister
Frances Fitzgerald had publicly apologised to him in the Dáil. The Minister also
met Maurice McCabe and his wife and said she regretted what the state had done
to him.
When
news of the existence of this vital email emerged last week former Justice Minister
Fitzgerald said she couldn’t remember reading it. Given the high profile nature
of McCabe and of his allegations, and the clear intent of Flahive to alert the Minister
and the department to the Garda Commissioner’s legal strategy, many opposition TDs
and citizens found it hard to believe that the Minister either hadn’t read the
email or that the Justice Department hadn’t realised its importance.
On
Sunday a spokesman for the Justice department confirmed that the Minister had ‘noted the email’. He said: “This is standard civil service language that
means read.” The Minister also met the then Garda Commissioner the day
after the email was received and did not mention it to her.
It has
also emerged in recent days that Commissioner O’Sullivan told a senior official
the Justice department in May 2015 about the legal row at the O’Higgins
Commission.
So,
the Justice Department was alerted on two occasions about the Garda
Commissioners legal strategy but did nothing.
Throughout
this row the Minister and her Government defenders have repeatedly said that
she could not legally interfere in the work of the O’Higgins Commission. Some
legal experts have publicly challenged this. But as the Garda Commissioner’s line
manager the Minister for Justice could, and should, have questioned the
Commissioner’s decision to embark on such a dangerous and reprehensible strategy
against Maurice McCabe. Having spoken frequently of her admiration of Sgt
McCabe the Minister should have defended him against this bogus allegation. The
Minister chose to do nothing.
Instead over the next two years she and the
government, including Taoiseach Varadkar, repeatedly expressed their complete
confidence in the Garda Commissioner – right up to the point in September when
Commissioner O’Sullivan announced her retirement.
In a further damaging postscript for the government
to this crisis it emerged that the current Minister for Justice Charlie
Flanagan was made aware of the email on November 13th, four days
after it was uncovered. Despite this neither he nor the other senior civil
servants who were aware of it saw fit to inform the Taoiseach. He claimed on
two separate days in the Dáil that he had spoken to the Tánaiste and had been
told by her that she had “no hand, act or part informing the former commissioner’s
legal strategy, nor did she have any prior knowledge of the legal strategy the
former commissioner’s team pursued. She found out about it after the fact, but
around the time it was in the public domain when everyone else knew about it as
well.” This was May 2016 – a year after the email was sent to her.
We now know the Tánaiste and at least seven senior
civil servants had been told in May 2015.
Sinn
Féin gave the Tánaiste ample time to clarify her position. Her explanations were unsatisfactory. On
Thursday of last week Sinn Féin submitted a motion of no confidence in the
Minister.
Despite
its confidence and supply arrangement with Fine Gael the Fianna Fáil party
followed suit and published its own motion of no confidence in the Tánaiste and
former Minister for Justice. Now all the talk is of a Christmas election.
Without Fianna Fáil’s backing the government cannot survive.
In
the days since then there have been a series of meetings between the leaders of
Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil. Leo Varadkar appears determined to back his
embattled Deputy leader Frances Fitzgerald. What will Micheál Martin do? Last
week Martin described the email as “damning” and claimed that it was not
credible for the minister not to remember it. He said what was worse was she
did nothing.
Neither
of these leaders really wants an election at this time. The opinion polls
suggest no outright winner. That is also true for Sinn Féin and other parties
in the Dáil. But a blind eye cannot be turned to the dysfunctionality and lack
of accountability that is at the heart of this government on this issue, and on
housing and homelessness, and the crisis in health. Sinn Féin intends pursuing
our motion of no confidence. That will only be averted if the Tánaiste resigns.
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