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There is busy and there is BUSY. And the last few weeks have been
BUSY. I returned to Ireland on Friday after four days in Cuba attending the
funeral of Fidel Castro. The following morning, with my jet lag in full mode, I
was in Richmond Barracks in Dublin for our annual Slógadh - Sinn Féin’s Irish
language conference. Later that
afternoon I was over in the Red Cow Hotel attending the Sinn Féin Women’s
Conference.
Amongst the guests attending
the Slógadh were a number of Irish language advocacy and community
organisations - from Conradh na Gaeilge, to Gaeloideachas, from Iontabhas na
Gaelscolaíochta and to Norman Uprichard from the East Belfast Mission; who spoke
in the morning session on the issue of identity.
The theme of this year’s Slógadh was “Fíorú na Físe - Realising
the Vision”. I told the Slógadh that realising a vision for the language
requires increased co-operation amongst Irish language organisations, and for a
reinvigorated community driven campaign for an Acht na Gaeilge in the North.
In the south it requires a proper and effective rights based Bille
na dTeangacha Oifigiúla and adequate investment in the language and in our
Gaeltacht regions.
There are serious concerns in both parts of the island about the
attitude of officialdom to the language. In the North Sinn Féin has been
criticised because of the absence of an Irish language strategy in the draft
Programme for Government. This absence is because of the DUP. Carál Ní Chuilín brought an Irish language strategy to the Executive in
the last term, but it was rejected by the DUP and UUP and the DUP continues to block its inclusion.
This should come as no surprise. For 50 years political unionism
ran an ultra-conservative regime in the North which actively engaged in
structured political, economic and religious discrimination. For over two
decades under British Direct Rule the unionist leadership used its influence
with successive British Secretaries of State to oppose any progressive reform.
The Good Friday and subsequent agreements forced the Ulster
Unionist Party leadership and subsequently the DUP leadership to agree with, or
acquiesce to, a significant programme of constitutional and institutional change
that many within political unionism were and still are deeply unhappy with. Unionist
leaders rarely embrace these necessary and modest changes.
Among these is the Irish language. From Sinn Féin’s perspective
the language is the property of all irrespective of political affiliation. But
for some unionists the language is an excuse for messing, for expressions of
offensive bigotry and downright
For much of the time since the Executive and Assembly were
established Sinn Féin held the Department of Education and the Department of
Culture, Arts and Learning. Now a DUP Minister has responsibility for Education
and the Liofa project is the responsibility of another DUP Minister.
As a result of decisions that have been taken, especially by the
Minister for Education, there are very real and
justifiable concerns amongst the Irish language community. This is a challenge
we cannot shy away from and which needs the combined effort and co-operation of
Irish language groups as well as all of those who believe in equality and
fairness and parity of esteem.
It means demanding that the DUP steps up to the plate. It means that
party acknowledging that the Irish identity, culture and Irish language are as
equal and valid as any other and must be treated as such. And that respect must
begin in government. It also means respecting and assisting Gaelscoileanna to
develop and to reach their full potential as a sector that positively
contributes to society and to the lives of thousands of citizens.
None of this will be easy. There is a deep rooted antipathy within
elements of political unionism to anything it believes puts at risk their clinging
to the dominance of the ‘British way of life’ in the North. It is a legacy of
our colonial experience. But it can be overcome. If can be changed. The reality
is that the North is not the one party, unionist dominated, sectarian based,
repressive little statelet it once was. A lot has changed. The Brexit vote to
Remain is just one example of that.
Nor should we forget that despite the opposition of the leaders of
Unionism, the Irish language is not the marginalised, ostracised minority issue
it once was. There are around five and a half thousand young people attending
nurseries, as well as primary and secondary schools across the North, and many
thousand more speak the language every day of our lives.
Through the negotiations process Sinn
Féin successfully secured the establishment of an all-Ireland body to support
and promote it (Foras na Gaeilge); the signing of the European Charter for
Regional and Minority Languages by the British government; the extension of
Irish language broadcasting into the North; continued funding for an Irish
Language Broadcasting Fund; as well as new funding for an Irish Language
Capital Investment Fund – Ciste Infheistíochta Ghaeilge.
The Líofa initiative, which had a modest aim of encouraging one
thousand new Irish language speakers, now has almost 18,500 people registered.
In relation to the recent Programme for Government, we were successful
in including a commitment to an tAcadamh, taking forward the Gaeltacht Quarter
Action Plan and securing an acknowledgement of the importance of Gaeilge to our
cultural heritage.
In the time ahead we must increase pressure on the Irish and British
governments to fulfil the commitment made in the St. Andrew’s Agreement to an
Acht na Gaeilge. The Irish government especially has been less than
enthusiastic in supporting the Irish language. In its recent budget it cut
funding to the Irish language, the Gaeltacht and
the Islands by 9%. Nonetheless it has a responsibility under
the terms of the Good Friday and subsequent agreements to defend the rights of
all citizens to equality. That includes Irish speakers.
Finally, there
are currently Judicial Review proceedings underway in to why the Executive did
not agree the Irish Language Strategy in the previous term. This action is being
taken by Conradh na Gaeilge. There is a second Judicial Review being taken by
an individual citizen against the British Government in relation to Acht na
Gaeilge and their responsibilities under St. Andrew’s Agreement.
Last week also saw
a very well attended meeting in the Cultúrlann in
west Belfast to discuss a campaign and a protest march - along the same lines
of the 'Dearg le Fearg' protests that took place two years ago. The objective
is to raise awareness about this issue.
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