British governments like to pose as the defenders
of freedom. Last year’s celebration by the British system of the 800th
anniversary of the signing of the Magna Carta sought to reinforce a political
and historical narrative in which it is a beacon of light and justice for the
oppressed of the world.
The truth is much different and last week’s Tory
party conference exposed once again the British establishment’s largely
xenophobic view of the world outside of England.
Theresa May described Britain’s armed forces as the
“finest armed forces known to man.”
In full Thatcherite mode she attacked “those
left wing human rights lawyers” who she claimed “harangue and harass” those forces. The applause was loud and
sustained. The British Prime Minister and her Ministers plan to protect their
soldiers from the legal consequences of any criminal actions they might be
responsible for by making them exempt from European human rights laws during
any future conflicts.
This is not the first time they have tried to do
this. It also ignores the reality that British soldiers have always been
largely immune from prosecution for murders and torture carried out on behalf
of the British state.
Examine the record. For centuries successive
British government’s ruthlessly exploited a colonial Empire it established by
force and held by force. Its historical record of abuse and corruption is often
ignored, especially in Britain itself. The stealing of land, the exploitation of
the natural resources of other places, and the military domination of a quarter
of the Earth’s landmass and peoples is brushed aside as if it is of no
consequence.
The horrifying experiences of scores of indigenous peoples,
who in the last hundred years have had to fight the “finest armed forces known to man” in order to achieve their freedom
is also ignored.
Whether in Ireland a century ago; or in south East
Asia, in the African continent, or the Middle East, scores of wars have been
fought by the British, up to and including Iraq and Afghanistan, to protect their
economic and trading interests. Human rights violations are an intrinsic part
of this. Torture. Beheadings. Summary executions. Famine. Concentration camps.
Internment. Censorship. They have all been consistently used. Millions died. All
of these policies were part and parcel of an overarching political strategy
which used repressive laws and technologies to control and oppress national
movements and to deny hundreds of millions of people their freedom.
In 1969 British
troops arrived on our streets in the North and immediately began to apply
so-called counter-insurgency strategies used extensively in previous wars.
During the 70s, 80’s and 90’s Britain derogated from the European Convention on
Human Rights many times. It did so because of its reliance on repressive laws
and the illegal actions of its state forces. It was able to do so because under
the rules of the Council of Europe, which oversees the Strasbourg-based
institution, states can derogate from the Convention.
Directly through
shoot-to-kill operations and through state collusion with unionist death squads
British forces killed hundreds. British soldiers were largely immune from
prosecution as is evidenced in an Amnesty
International report in 1991: 'There have
been 21 prosecutions since 1969 of the security forces for using firearms while
on duty in Northern Ireland (not including sectarian killings). Nineteen of
these were found not guilty. One was convicted of manslaughter and given a
suspended sentence. Just one - a soldier - was convicted of murder and released
after serving two years and three months of his sentence and had been reinstated
in the army A total of 339 people have been killed by the security forces
during the same period. Most of those killed were from the Catholic population
and many were unarmed; many were killed in disputed circumstances.'
This outcome is
also true for British military operations in Kenya and Aden and Cyprus and in
countless other wars. In the 21st century this modus operandi was
used in Iraq and Afghanistan. Since 2004 the British state has paid out more
than £100 million in litigation to victims. In Iraq twenty million pounds in
compensation has been paid out in 326 cases.
And like the
‘hooded men’ who were victim of torture by the British Army and RUC after
internment in 1971, the methodology used – the five techniques – have remained
largely unchanged. The Iraq claims of torture, no less than the torture
inflicted in the North, were not “vexatious”. As Britain’s politics lurch
further to the right the attacks, on what one former British soldier called the
‘parasitic lawyers,’ has intensified. This narrative promotes a dishonest and
deceitful view of British soldiers as innocents in wars with ‘terrorists’ and
‘insurgents’ and the lawyers as “activist
left wing human rights lawyers.”
One former
Lieutenant colonel, the Rev Nicholas Mercer, writing in the London Guardian
last week accused the British government of inventing “an orchestrated narrative”. He wrote: “The idea that the claims are largely spurious is nonsense.”
It is successive British governments that have lied
about using torture. On March 2nd 1972 the then Tory Prime Minister
said: “The techniques which the committee
examined will not be used in future as an aid to interrogation. The statement
that I have made covers all future circumstances.” But even as he said this Heath knew it was a
lie. And almost 40 years later the five techniques, involving sleep
deprivation, the use of noise, hooding, and stress positions, and the
deprivation of food and drink were still being extensively used in Iraq.
Like lawyers in the North who stood up
against state injustice, human rights lawyers in Britain have sought to expose
torture and to secure compensation for its victims. If Theresa May wants to end litigation against British troops during
conflicts then she needs to end the violations of human rights by those troops.
And for those others
who are horrified by the vitriolic attacks on human rights lawyers they should
remember the fate of Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson. These were two brave
human rights lawyers who dared to challenge the British state’s use of
repressive laws in the North. Both were vilified by the British state. Both
were victim of a campaign of hate from within the RUC and British intelligence
agencies. Both were murdered.
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