The British establishment knows something about hypocrisy and
brass-necked politics. Especially when it comes to Ireland. This week was a
case in point. The British media extensively covered the celebration of the signing
800 years ago by the English King John in 1215 of the Magna Carta.
The long history of colonisation between England and Ireland left no
room for celebration on this island. While they were busy taking from the Irish
the English Barons – fed up with the abusive behaviour of King John - but more
importantly wanting a greater share of the economic spoils and of political power
– demanded that John agree to a charter that would limit the power of the King.
The Charter was essentially the Barons telling John that he was not
above the law and to back off from excessive taxes. However, within a couple of
months the English King retracted it all and secured the support of the Pope, in
a papal bull, in renouncing this ‘illegal,
unjust, harmful to royal rights and shameful to the English people.’
Standing at the site of the signing of the Magna Carta at Runnymede
British Prime Minister David Cameron waxed lyrical about human rights and how
people around the world ‘see how the great charter
shaped the world for the best part of a millennium helping to promote arguments
for justice and freedom…’
He then signalled his government’s intention again to repeal the Human
Rights Act and to end Britain’s involvement with the European Convention on
Human Rights. These are two key foundation stones for the Good Friday
Agreement. They are essential elements of that historic peace treaty and of
subsequent agreements, especially in respect of policing and justice.
The European Convention on Human Rights has been an indispensable tool
in holding successive British governments to some sort of account for their human
rights violations in the north during the years of conflict. And for that
reason, as well as because he wants to pander to the anti-EU element of his
party, Cameron wants to tear it up.
His performance at the Magna Carta celebrations was, as the Director of
Liberty described it as a ‘masterclass in
bare-faced cheek.’ Allan Hogwarth of Amnesty International put it nicely.
He said: ‘David Cameron’s use of the
anniversary of the Magna Carta to justify scrapping the Human Rights Act will
have those 13th century Barons spinning in their highly ornate, lead
lined coffins.’
But that’s only part of the story.
Another and more deadly aspect of British policy in Ireland was put under the spotlight in an RTE documentary on Monday night - How Police & soldiers helped terrorists kill & maim in Northern Ireland: Collusion - An Investigation. It brought into sharp focus the role of the British state, at its highest political level, in planning, ordering and sanctioning state murder on a massive scale.
Much of what it contained was not new. The BBC
spotlight programme of a few weeks ago touched on the same issue. And for
citizens in the north collusion has been part of the political agenda for
decades.
It took 30 years for RTE to make this programme.
So, for many citizens in the south it was their first real opportunity to see
the reality of Britain’s dirty war in Ireland. While
David Cameron and others in that establishment were speaking of the great
record of Britain in defending human rights the truth of that lie was being
laid bare on RTE. The policy of state sponsored collusion between British state
forces and unionist death squads was part and parcel of Britain’s political and
military strategy in the six counties.
In
her essential work on this issue – Lethal Allies – Anne Cadwallader of the Pat
Finucane Centre concluded that it was an ‘inescapable
fact, established beyond doubt by these events’ that ‘successive British governments and their law enforcement agencies
entered into a collusive counter-insurgency campaign with loyalist
paramilitaries. It was thoroughly unethical – and it failed dismally. It was
also illegal under international law.’
Regrettably
successive Irish government’s failed to uphold the rights of the hundreds of
Irish citizens who were killed or the thousands more who were injured,
imprisoned or tortured, as a consequence of British policy. The most obvious
example of this is the Dublin Monaghan bombs which killed 33 citizens. But
there are also the deaths of Councillor Eddie Fullerton, of Jack Rooney and
Hugh Watters who were killed in Dundalk and of Seamus Ludlow and others.
The SDLP, Irish
governments and others used to regularly ridicule claims of collusion. No
longer. Nor can it be dismissed as a ‘few
bad apples’. It was pervasive and strategic and policy driven by the
British government from 10 Downing Street and the Cabinet, to its military and
intelligence agencies.
The
emotional and psychological cost of collusion is still felt by families and
survivors across Ireland, including the families of Sinn Féin members and
family members who were killed.
I have raised
this issue with the Taoiseach twice this week in the Dáil. I urged him to meet with Relatives for Justice.
The
Taoiseach should be a champion of this agreement and particularly those
elements which are within the authority of the governments.
As
a co-equal guarantor of the Good Friday and subsequent agreements he has a
responsibility to press the
British government to move
ahead with the implementation of those
elements of the Stormont House Agreement that deal with
the past and legacy issues. They have the authority to advance many of the
protocols dealing with the past.
These
include: the establishment of the Historical Investigations Unit (HIU); putting
in place processes that are victim centred; improving Legacy inquests to ensure
that they are conducted to comply with ECHR Article 2 requirements; ensuring
that both governments provide full disclosure to the HIU; and establish the Independent Commission on Information
Retrieval (ICIR). The Taoiseach should press Mr. Cameron to implement all other
elements of the Stormont House Agreement that are the responsibility of the two
governments.
In this way the bereaved families and victims will
have access to mechanisms that can help to bring truth and justice and closure.
Finally,
it is worth recalling some of the bald statistics of collusion:
·
The
Glennane Gang which was responsible for up 150 murders, including the Dublin
Monaghan bombings, was made of agents and serving members of the RUC and UDR.
·
The Stevens
Inquiry found that of 210 Loyalist it identified, 207 were agents for elements
of the British security services.
·
Stevens
recommended the arrest and prosecution of 24 Special Branch officers and
British Army handlers of loyalist killers for their involvement in scores of
murders. The British government refused to arrest or prosecute those
responsible.
·
DaSilva
found that 85% of all Loyalist Intelligence came from the British agencies.
·
British
intelligence agencies armed loyalists, provided intelligence, and safe passage,
and covered up their activities.
·
The former
head of RUC Special Branch Raymond White recalls how he raised the issue of the
use of agents and collusion with former British PM Thatcher only for his
concerns to be dismissed. He was
essentially told: “carry on – just don’t get caught”.
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