With the intensive all-party talks less
than 48 hours old the Unionist parties all walked out. The reason? The Parades Commission
has barred an Orange march from returning along part of the Crumlin Road
through a nationalist area.
The DUP leader Peter Robinson and Ulster
Unionist leader Mike Nesbitt were then joined by the leader of the TUV
(Traditional Unionist Voice) Jim Allister and by the parties linked to the UVF
and UDA in issuing a joint call to action for loyalists to oppose the Parades
Commission’s determination and describing the all-party talks as ‘fruitless’.
The unionist leaderships urged loyalists
to respond peacefully and lawfully but given that their decision is in direct opposition
to a lawful decision by the Parades Commission, it is questionable how much
weight will be given to this by those loyalist elements that have been
periodically involved in serious street disturbances in the last two years.
Many will also question their sincerity in
appealing for calm in light of the claim in their joint statement that ‘having seen republican threats of violence
being rewarded the conclusion is swiftly drawn that violence pays.’
It is also important to note that there
are more loyalist and orange parades taking place each year than ever before. In
2005 there were 2120 marches in the north. By last year that had more than doubled to 4,637. Two thirds of these are
loyalist parades. Claims that objections by a handful of nationalist areas to
orange parades going through their communities is an attack on the Orange is clearly
a nonsense.
The decision by the unionist leaderships
today is evidence of their failure to stand firm against the demands of the
Orange Order, the UVF and UDA in north Belfast. This is about these groups playing
the Orange Card and using the threat of political instability to achieve their demands.
This
is unacceptable. The status quo is not tenable. Sinn Féin will resist all
efforts by unionist leaders to roll back the Good Friday Agreement.
This morning’s move by the unionist
leaders was not entirely unexpected. We warned the British Prime Minister David
Cameron and the Labour Leader ED Miliband that unionist intransigence was threatening
the political process.
Why would unionists engage positively in
dialogue when David Cameron has not been fully engaged with the peace process in
the last four years. Yesterday’s meeting with David Cameron was our first such
meeting since he came to power in 2010. This is deplorable
and is clear evidence of the British government’s failure thus far to properly
engage with the process of change in the north. David Cameron, like other Conservative
leaders before him, has leaned heavily in the direction of political unionism
and away from the inclusive approach of the Good Friday Agreement.
This
has contributed to the political process facing a succession of crises. But the
situation has deteriorated even further in recent months as a consequence of
the DUP’s unwillingness to participate positively within the political
institutions and the Good Friday and other Agreements. Like David Trimble
before them the DUP engagement has been tactical and aimed at serving their own
party political agenda rather than the needs of the Good Friday Agreement.
They
have bought into the architecture of the Agreement because they have no choice.
But they have not bought into the substance. As Martin McGuinness has noted ‘We are in government with unionists because
we want to be. They are in government with us because they have to be.’
In
other words they have bought into the political institutions in terms of
elections, salaries, and status but not into the need for real partnership
government, the effective development of north-south co-operation, equality,
mutual respect and parity of esteem. The DUPs participation within the
institutions has been marked by blocking and stalling important initiatives;
including equality measures in the education sector and collapsing the
Programme for Government commitment on the Maze Long Kesh site.
Instead
of applying themselves to making the Agreement work the DUP leadership has formed
a loose axis with the Ulster Unionist Party, the TUV, the UVF and elements of
the UDA and the Orange Order to obstruct progress.
None
of this is unusual. From the first day after the Good Friday Agreement was
achieved the UUP – then the larger unionist party – behaved in much the same
way. It took a significant effort on the part of the British Labour government
in the days leading up to the Good Friday Agreement referendum in May 1998 to
persuade David Trimble to adopt a positive attitude. At one point it looked
like the referendum would be lost.
Ivan Lewis, Mary Lou McDonald, Ed Miliband, Gerry Adams and Michelle Gildernew
Tony
Blair visited the north three times, gave numerous interviews and Labour party
people from Britain worked behind the scenes to focus the UUP on winning the
hearts and minds of unionist voters. Trimble sold the Agreement and the referendum
was passed comfortably.
But
every negotiation since then has taken the same path. While Sinn Féin and
others have played our part in creating the conditions for agreement it is a
fact that without a pro-active British government encouraging the UUP and then
the DUP there would have been no progress.
Thus far the Cameron
government has chosen to endorse DUP intransigence and support the unionist
narrative of the conflict. London failed to back the Haass compromise proposals
on parades, flags and symbols, and contending with the past; it unilaterally
broke the Weston Park commitment on resolving the issue of OTRs, and has not implemented
key elements of the Good Friday Agreement.
Recently,
David Cameron has begun to indicate an awareness that the process is in
difficulty. But this morning’s action by the unionist leaders has significantly
ratcheted up the crisis in the political process.
The
intense period of negotiations that the political leaders in the north had
agreed to hold and which began only last night are now ended. The unionists
have left the stage. That’s their decision.
Yesterday
we told Mr. Cameron that making progress requires a positive engagement by the
Irish and British governments on issues which are their direct responsibility. The
governments cannot deplore the lack of progress in the process unless they act
to fulfil their obligations. Without that unionism will do as little as
possible.
Sinn
Féin will resist all efforts by unionist leaders to roll back the Good Friday
Agreement. The British and Irish governments must also stand resolute for the
Good Friday Agreement. They need to be champions for progress, for positive
change and for the Agreement.
As co-equal guarantors of the Agreement the two governments must ensure
continuing progress and this has to include implementing agreements already
made that are their sole responsibility.
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