Two weeks
ago citizens in the Irish state discovered, courtesy of the Sean O Rourke
programme on RTE radio, that it was going to cost €180 million to establish
Uisce Éireann – Irish Water.
This is a
semi-state body whose remit is to take responsibility for water out of the
hands of local councils, centralise control, and to introduce water charges for
households. Like many others I also believe that the underlying agenda for the Irish
government is the eventual privatisation of the water service.
Bad as this
was the news that consultants were paid €85 million of the total outlay caused
outrage. For 18 months Sinn Féin’s Environment spokesperson Brian Stanley and
other Dáil TDs had been asking questions of the Minister for the Environment
Phil Hogan about how much Irish Water was costing the taxpayer, and who was
being paid what and how much? The Minister and his Deputy Minister Fergus O
Dowd had refused to answer.
Within days
of the story breaking it was also revealed that 299 Irish Water staff are to be
paid significant bonus payments of up to €7,000 in breach of existing
government guidelines. Two government Ministers attacked the move. But then
media reports confirmed that the Department of the Environment and Department of
Public Expenditure already knew of these plans.
Sinn Féin
demanded that the Minister should go. He had deliberately withheld information
that the public and their Dáil representatives had the right to receive. But it
didn’t end there.
But Irish
Water wasn’t the only agency where secret and shabby deals hit the spotlight. The
Central Remedial Clinic, which provides support to disabled patients, many of
them children. It had already emerged last November that the CRC was using
money raised by its charity arm to top-up allowances to senior staff. Last year
this amounted to €250,000. In December the CRC’s former chief executive – a
former constituency worker for Fianna Fáil’s Bertie Ahern – told the Dáil
Public Accounts Committee that he was given €200,000 when he left the
organisation. This came from charitable donations.
Families who
raise hundreds of thousands of euro each year to supplement the money the
clinic receives from the Health Service were shocked, angry and some were heart
broken and fearful that citizens would become sceptical about giving to a
charity which was paying a significant amount of the charity money raised into
the pockets of officials. Instead of the money raised by ‘Friends and
Supporters of the CRC’ going to buy equipment, provide transport for disabled
children or training for staff a huge chunk of it was used to pay off the chief
executive.
All of this
reached new heights of outrage when it was revealed that the former chief
executive had actually received a severance package of €740,000. It is
estimated that half of the one and a half million euro raised from charity work
by CRC was used to pay top-ups and their former chief executive.
People were furious,
incensed and angry. Here was evidence of cronyism at its worst; of money being
taken off disabled children, of charities failing to regulate their business. The
Taoiseach Enda Kenny bemoaned the scandal. It was he said, ‘indicative of a
time’ which he hoped ‘was long gone in Irish politics.’ Who is he kidding?
Self-interest
and greed are alive and well within the body politic in the Irish state. The
Irish government has breached its own rules to pay more to its personal
advisors. Ministers receive salaries that are the envy of their opposite
numbers in other European states. The government has taken a succession of
decisions since coming to power that have inflicted cuts and hardship on
citizens, especially the elderly, the disabled and the vulnerable.
The CRC and
Irish Water scandals are part of a toxic political culture, marked by 'jobs for
the boys', contracts for a small group of consultants and insiders who are
closely linked to the establishment.
It is part
of a culture of greed and cronyism that came to dominance after partition and the
defeat of the revolutionary fervour of 1916. It is the outworking of the coming
to power of conservative right wing elements within Irish society. It is
classic neo-colonialism. The colonial power leaves and is replaced by an
indigenous elite that seeks to advance its own narrow interests. The Fine Gael
and Fianna Fáil parties, occasionally supported by Labour or Greens, or when
they existed the PDs, created and oversaw a culture of corruption and of golden
circles involving bankers and developers and politicians who looked after each
other to the detriment of ordinary citizens. These are the people who collapsed
the Irish economy five years ago.
2014 – the Year of Change
Should we
despair? No. Is there an alternative to this toxic culture? I believe there is.
It lies in the growth of a radical republican alternative. It is evidenced in
the changing political landscape brought about across this island by the peace
process and the growth of Sinn Féin.
In the south
the dominance of the two major parties has been broken. Fianna Fáil will never
again be the political force it once was. Sinn Féin is now a major player in
both jurisdictions on this island and with each passing day our membership
numbers increase, we build our organisational capacity, and our policy
development is evolving to meet the needs of Ireland today.
Sinn Féin is
for a realignment of Irish politics across the island.
We believe
that fairness and equality must be central to government policy.
We are for core republican values which
are about defending public services.
Sinn Féin believes that citizens have
fundamental rights, including the right to a wrap-around health service; to a
decent education free and accessible to third level; to a home; to a clean
environment; to a fair wage and to a job.
Society must
be shaped around these rights. Society must be shaped around people – citizens
– not elites or hierarchies.
In May there
will be local and European elections in both parts of the island. Sinn Féin
will be the only party contesting these in both parts of the island. We will
have candidates standing in all of the European constituencies and for the
first time since 1918 there will be Sinn Féin candidates in every local council
on the island.
There are 42
councils. There are eleven in the north and 31 in the south. Almost 300
candidates have been selected by Sinn Féin of whom 30% are women. For those who want to look to a different, better future – who want hope for themselves and for their families – then the choice is obvious. In May make 2014 the year of change and vote for Sinn Féin candidates.
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