Eight
years after it was established the report of the Smithwick Tribunal was finally
published on Tuesday evening.
I also want to commend the Irish government for fulfilling its obligation under the Weston Park Agreement. The onus is now on the British government to move speedily to holding the promised inquiry into the murder of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane.
The decision by three former members of the IRA to voluntarily give evidence to the Smithwick Tribunal was an important development. This was the first time former members of the IRA have ever given evidence to an inquiry into an IRA action. The engagement between the three former volunteers and Smithwick is historically unparalleled.
But then, in a clear contradiction of this and on the basis of circumstantial and untested intelligence Justice Smithwick then goes on to say that ‘on balance of probability’ some form of collusion occurred.
Sinn Féin supported these inquires on the basis that families had the right to full disclosure of all relevant information. Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective truth process for dealing with all legacy issues.
It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.
I want
to commend Justice Smithwick for his hard work of many years. I am very mindful
that at the heart of the Smithwick Inquiry there are two bereaved families and
I hope the report helps bring some measure of closure for them.
I also want to commend the Irish government for fulfilling its obligation under the Weston Park Agreement. The onus is now on the British government to move speedily to holding the promised inquiry into the murder of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane.
The Smithwick
Tribunal was established as a result of an agreement in the negotiations in Weston
Park in 2001 between the British and Irish governments.
Canadian
Judge Peter Cory was asked to look at the killing of Pat Finucane; Robert
Hamill; Rosemary Nelson; Billy Wright; Judge Gibson and his wife; and RUC Chief Superintendent
Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan.
Cory
worked diligently and in 2003 he handed his reports over to the two
governments. The Canadian Judge concluded that there was no basis for an
inquiry into the deaths of the Gibsons. He proposed that there was a basis for
inquiries into all of the others, including the killing of the two RUC
officers.
The
Irish government published Cory’s recommendations in December 2003 and
announced that it would set up an inquiry, but the British stalled until April
2004 before publishing his reports to them.
Ten
years later of the six cases investigated by Judge Cory only the Pat Finucane
Inquiry has yet to commence. It is clear that the British government is deeply
worried by the enormous political implications of the Finucane case which is
known to involve substantial institutional collusion between British state
forces and the UDA.
This
concern was evident in the introduction by the British government in June 2005
of the Inquiries
Act 2005. This legislation deliberately limits the scope
of the inquiries proposed by Cory who criticised the British move saying it
"...would make a meaningful inquiry
impossible."
In June
2006 I met with Justice Smithwick at his request. He asked if I could help. I explained
to him that in 2005 the IRA put its weapons beyond use and stood down its
structures. The IRA had left the stage. However, after some effort three former
IRA volunteers agreed to give evidence to the Tribunal.
A process was put in
place to facilitate this. When this was achieved Sinn Féin stepped back and the
process moved forward. This
was a significant and unprecedented development. For the first time former
members of the IRA gave evidence to an inquiry into an IRA action. Clearly this
would not have been possible if the Tribunal had not created the context to
allow it.
The decision by three former members of the IRA to voluntarily give evidence to the Smithwick Tribunal was an important development. This was the first time former members of the IRA have ever given evidence to an inquiry into an IRA action. The engagement between the three former volunteers and Smithwick is historically unparalleled.
Justice
Smithwick accepts much of the evidence given by the former IRA volunteers, for
example describing their witness account as a ‘valuable resource for the
Tribunal.’ At other points in his report he acknowledges that their evidence in
respect of the movement of the RUC car is ‘fully consistent’ with information
logged in the journal of RUC Superintendent Bob Buchanan.
Justice
Smithwick’s conclusion is contradictory. On the one hand he concludes that the
Tribunal ‘has not uncovered direct
evidence of collusion’.
But then, in a clear contradiction of this and on the basis of circumstantial and untested intelligence Justice Smithwick then goes on to say that ‘on balance of probability’ some form of collusion occurred.
What Justice
Smithwick defines as collusion is very different in form and scale from the collusion
that occurred in the north. During 30 years of war the British state was
responsible for structured, institutionalised and co-ordinated state run
collusion and unionist death squads which led to the deaths of hundreds of
citizens, including those killed in the Dublin and Monaghan and Dundalk bomb
attacks.
The
British government arrogantly disregards the unanimous all-party Oireachtas
motion calling on it to provide vital information about these bomb attacks. The
Pat Finucane Inquiry is now the only inquiry agreed to at Weston Park that has
not been held. The British government is
in clear breach of its commitments.
The
Irish government now needs to assertively lobby the British government,
including at an international level, to honour its commitment and to set up the
promised public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane.
Sinn Féin supported these inquires on the basis that families had the right to full disclosure of all relevant information. Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective truth process for dealing with all legacy issues.
We have repeatedly called on the British and Irish
governments to invite in a reputable and independent international body to
establish an Independent International Truth Commission which would be independent
of any state, combatant groups, political parties, civil society and economic
interests and would have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of the
conflict as well as their causes and consequences.
I helped to facilitate
the engagement between the former IRA volunteers and the Smithwick Tribunal
because I believe there is a responsibility to assist families bereaved in the
conflict, though this may not be possible in all cases.
Republicans
are very conscious of the hurt and suffering which has been caused through
conflict in our country. Sinn Féin has
repeatedly called on the British and Irish governments to invite in a reputable
and independent international body to establish an Independent International
Truth Commission which would be independent of any state, combatant groups,
political parties, civil society and economic interests.
It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.
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