The de Silva Report
On Tuesday I raised the de Silva report into Pat Finucane’s killing in
the Dáil with the Taoiseach Enda Kenny. I asked that time be made available for
a debate on the report. I also wrote to him last week and I asked that the
Irish government carry out a trawl of the documents available to it about the
threat to human rights lawyer PJ McGrory, as well as to Pat Finucane and Oliver
Kelly.
I have decided to publish my letter to the Taoiseach in this column.
The Pat Finucane case goes to the heart of British state collusion. The detail
of what occurred is important if bereaved families and the communities in which
they live are to have the fullest understanding of the events of that time.
December
13th 2012
Taoiseach
a chara,
As
you are aware the British government has not co-operated with the efforts to
find justice for families bereaved or for those injured in actions involving
their forces or believed to have resulted from collusion between these forces
and unionist paramilitaries.
These
actions include the Ballymurphy Massacre, the Springhill Massacre, the Dublin
Monaghan bombings and the killing of Pat Finucane.
There
are other cases involving collusion, these include the killing of three Sinn
Féin Councillors John Davey, Bernard O Hagan and Eddie Fullerton who was
murdered in his home in Buncrana county Donegal, eleven other Sinn Féin members
and 7 of our family members.
You
will recall that I have urged you to adopt an approach in some of these cases similar
to that employed in the run up to the Saville Inquiry.
That
is for your government to compile a file of all relevant information about
these cases as a means to persuade the British government to lift the lid on these
matters.
I
welcome the government’s support for the Finucane family’s call for a public
inquiry into the killing of Pat Finucane.
I
disagree with the Tánaiste’s assertion that David Cameron should be commended
for his determination in seeking the truth about collusion.
The
de Silva review was constructed to frustrate the family’s demand for truth. It
is a direct breach of the international agreement between the Irish and British
government at Weston Park.
Mr.
Cameron has said that there was no ‘over-arching State conspiracy’.
His statement that the then Attorney-General,
Sir Patrick Mayhew, deserves credit for prosecuting British agent Brian Nelson has
no credibility.
Nelson
is believed to have been involved in at least 15 murders, probably many more
and scores of attempted killings.
Far
from prosecuting Nelson fully and in order to prevent the detail of Nelson’s
role as an agent being scrutinised in court Patrick Mayhew did a deal with
Nelson. The murder charges against Nelson were dropped.
It
was agreed that Colonel Gordon Kerr, the head of the Force Research Unit, which
ran many of the collusion operations, would give evidence supporting Nelson.
The
British Minister of Defence Tom King, who was Secretary of State for the north
at the time of the killing of Pat Finucane, provided a letter of commendation
for Nelson.
And
the British Prime Minister John Major held a meeting just before the trial with
the north’s Lord Chief Justice Brian Hutton and the trial judge Basil Kelly.
It
is clear that there was significant knowledge among senior British Ministers
about the role of Nelson, working as an agent of the British government, and
that they moved to cover it up.
Later
when Patrick Mayhew was Secretary of State for the north the RUC Special Branch
ran a UVF gang out of Mount Vernon, led by a Special Branch agent Mark Haddock,that
killed at least ten people and possibly others.
Mayhew
cannot claim not to have known about collusion.
In
addition, the Force Research Unit received at least 74 ‘awards and honours’ for
its work from the British government, including an OBE for Colonel Kerr in May
1991, less than two years after Pat Finucane was killed.
Furthermore,
before Pat Finucane was killed Belfast solicitor PJ McGrory spoke to me about
the threat to his life. He told me that the UDA was saying that the RUC was
putting it under pressure to kill himself, Pat Finucane and Oliver Kelly.
PJ
told me he briefed the Irish government who said they would raise it with the
NIO.
Hours
after Pat Finucane was killed an Irish government official was in PJ’s home
speaking to him about the threats.
The then
Taoiseach Charlie Haughey phoned and told PJ that he would take this matter up
with Downing Street.
In
keeping with my suggestion about compiling a file, the Irish government should
now initiate an extensive examination of all documents in the Department of the
Taoiseach, Foreign Affairs and Justice relating to the north and identify those
which could assist the family in refuting the British government’s effort to
frustrate the Finucane family’s demand for a public inquiry.
Is
there a record of PJ’s conversation with the Taoiseach and with other
departmental officials?
Did
the Taoiseach, Mr. Haughey, raise this matter with Downing Street or the NIO?
What
information has the government on the many allegations of collusion than were
being made then and since?
Did
the Irish government or any of its agencies speak to the British government or
its agencies?
Taoiseach,
the Irish government needs to shift into a higher gear in support of the
family.
A
strategic approach is required that would see the government use its diplomatic
services across the globe and its influence in the USA, in the EU and at the
United Nations, where the Irish government now sits on the Human Rights
Council, to win support for the Finucane family.
I
look forward to your reply.
Is
mise
Gerry
Adams TD
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