Saturday, January 7, 2012

Thatcher’s War Policy in Ireland

The recent publication of British government papers from 1981 have reminded many people of the negative role played by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher at that time.

The papers were published coinicdnetly at the same as a Hollywood movie about Thatcher.

I haven’t seen the film but I do remember the Thatcher years and the great hurt she did to the British people and also to the people of this island.

Thatcher’s right wing conservative social and economic politics – often labelled Thatcherism - were a source of considerable division in Britain. Along with US President Ronald Reagan she championed the deregulation of the financial institutions, cuts in public services and was vehemently anti-trade union. The current crisis in the banking institutions and the economic recession owe much to these policies.

She also went to war in the Malvinas pursuing Britain’s age old colonial interests; opposed sanctions against apartheid South Africa; and supported the Khmer Rouge and the Chilean dictator Pinochet.

Thatcher inherited a British counter-insurgency strategy in Ireland from the Labour government. Its goal was to politically defeat Irish republicanism.

The Thatcher government embraced this strategy. It believed that the criminalisation of the republican prisoners would break the republican struggle. It was not interested in a resolution.

This much is evident in the government papers. For example a report of a meeting at Chequers on May 27th, after the deaths of Bobby Sands, Francie Hughes, Raymond McCreesh and Patsy O Hara, describes Thatcher commenting that ‘the Government must be ‘rock solid’ against any concessions to the hunger strikers or PIRA.’

The following day on a visit to Belfast Thatcher declared that the hunger strike ‘may well be their [the IRA’s] last card.’

At a later meeting on July 3rd a paper notes that: ‘The PM said that she felt that no concession could be made to the hunger strikers in any way...The Government’s main aim should be to demonstrate that the blame for the hunger strike lay with the strikers themselves, rather than with the alleged inflexibility of the Government.’

At the same time as she was publicly engaged in the trenchant rhetoric that characterised her term in office the ‘iron lady’ was also involved in secret discussions through a Derry based ‘back-channel’ – code-named ‘Soon’ - with the Sinn Féin leadership.

It was a cumbersome process of contact open to abuse. The British state papers raise serious questions about the motivation of the British and the relationship between London and ‘Soon’.

In a paper dated July 21st the British state: ‘The use of the channel has ensured that the Provisionals have been left in no doubt that our public statements are our true position, and not a negotiating gambit...The channel has also been a source of additional intelligence about the Provisionals’ attitude which we could not get in any other way…’

Outside the H-Blocks Thatcher’s intransigence saw an escalation in conflict in the summer of 1981 with almost fifty people killed on the streets.

The electoral intervention of H-Block prisoners in the June general election saw Paddy Agnew and hunger striker Kieran Doherty elected as TDs. Since that election no single party has been able to form a government.

The events of that awful summer of '81 polarised Irish society, north and south. The Thatcher government policy during the 1980’s was little more than a war policy. All of the strategies issuing from that policy were aimed at defeating or isolating republicanism. This included the shallow and ineffectual 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement which was about creating a political alliance involving the Dublin establishment, the SDLP, and the British to defeat Irish republicanism. Margaret Thatcher was a prime mover in all of this.

Under her direction collusion between British state forces and unionist death squads increased. In 1982 the Force Research Unit (FRU) was established. FRU ran British agents inside the various loyalist paramilitary groups and provided information on nationalists and republicans to be murdered. FRU and British intelligence also facilitated the importation of weapons for the UDA, UVF and Ulster Resistance via the apartheid regime in South Africa in early 1988.

In the three years prior to receiving these weapons loyalists killed 34 people. In the three years after the shipment they killed 224.

Among those to die was human rights lawyer Pat Finucane. On January 17th 1989 one of Thatcher’s Ministers Douglas Hogg told the British House of Commons that some solicitors in the north were ‘unduly sympathetic to the cause of the IRA’. Three weeks later Pat Finucane was shot dead by a UDA squad made up entirely of Special Branch and British agents.

Shoot-to-kill actions by British forces also significantly increased. This was most evident in the shooting dead of three unarmed IRA activists in Gibraltar in March 1988. It is my view that Thatcher authorised the killings at Gibraltar.

Later when the BBC and the IBA scheduled two programmes about Gibraltar Thatcher tried to stop them. She was “outraged” when the programmes went ahead. Later that year she introduced the Broadcasting Ban on Sinn Féin.

Three years later Thatcher authorised the then British Secretary of State Peter Brooke to reopen the back-channel with republicans. We were wary of this. However, for almost a decade Sinn Féin had been patently trying to build a peace process and unfolding events on the world stage, including the dismantling of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany, and the release of Nelson, were evidence that governments, and apparently intractable situations, could change. So we agreed to reactivate the back channel.

But for Thatcher it all ended several months later in November 1990 when she was forced to resign by her party who perceived her to be no longer an electoral asset. She was evicted from Downing Street with all the ruthlessness, treachery and warped humanity of what passes for high politics.

Thatcher’s 12 years of dictating British policy in Ireland was a legacy of bitterness and entrenched division.


Timothy Dougherty said...

Gerry- Gerry, sometimes I feel that I know just how you think and feel, and we have never met. Your 100% reading the papers as fact, and they supports everything republicanism stands for and stood for in the Thatcherism day. You have a very clear picture of history. Gibraltar in March 1988. It is my view that Thatcher authorised the killings at Gibraltar and was no less than premeditated murders. The internationl courts up hold that as fact, as well. Another point I found the paper telling a early story of the Women of Armagh Jail anthe protesters, great women and support of the prisoners, holding their own with dignity, keeping their self respect under physical beatings by men and escalation of pusishment. I recognise this violated great Irish women, the insulted and inhuman, degrading attacks of what I can only call my sisters and daughters of Ireland. There is a lot of Thatcherism that need to be looked into.

You great view of history is something - thank once more Gerry

Maria said...

I live in the United States. Several months ago, long before the Thatcher film was being hyped, I wore my "I hate Thatcher" t-shirt thinking no one would understand the reference since I live in a country in which most people are so poorly educated that they can't name the vice president nor find Canada on a map. To my surprise, folks were stopping me on the street and telling me how much they loved and agreed with my shirt. Evidently, Mrs. Thatcher can't escape her legacy of cruelty and callousness even here, even now.

james said...

The outrageous policy of Thatcher was not confined to Ireland. My recollection of the events coincide with your analysis. And should anyone doubt your version of history and Thatcher's ruthlessness they should review how she treated the miners and how her government disgracefully smeared Arthur Scargill with the compliance of the Tory press.