Small u-unionists?

30th Deireadh Fómhair 2009.

Small u-unionists?

Your man says that I shouldn’t use the term small u-unionists.

‘How would you like to be called a small r-republican?’ He asks.

I have been called worse than that I think quietly to myself. I say nothing to him. He has been in a funny mood all day. Male menopause?

The thing is I don’t mean to be offensive when I say small u-unionists. Or when I try to analyse the cause of your man’s funny mood.

I’m sure that there are many small u-unionists who understand what I mean because they know that their unionism is more an accident of birth than an ideological position.

These are the unionists who voted for the Good Friday Agreement and who then gave up the ghost on David Trimble and stayed at home during election time.

One presumes that these small u-unionists wouldn’t have a lot of time for the DUP.

They are not for a united Ireland, although they support Ireland in the rugby. Some may go hill walking in Donegal or west Mayo. A weekend in Dublin with Bruce Springsteen or Barbara Streisand may have been part of their pre-recession enjoyment.

Some may even have a sense of pride around Riverdance. These small-u unionists are mainly middle class. There are other small u-unionists who are working people making ends meet in difficult times; and the working poor who struggle with disadvantage and poverty. Just like their counterparts on the nationalist side.

They all want the peace process to work. They want to rear their families and live happily with their neighbours. And if the price for all that is power sharing and equality then they’ll put up with it. And some may even grow to embrace it.

What then are they to make of Peter Robinson’s grandstanding in the British House of Parliament over the orange parading issue?

Last week these small u-unionists, like the media and most others, would have been of a mind that the policing and justice issue was about to be resolved and powers on these matters were soon to be transferred from England to Ireland.

They couldn’t be blamed for that. Peter Robinson had said that if the financial package for policing and justice was resolved then he would support the transfer. The financial package was agreed some weeks ago. There were and are a number of other issues which need to be sorted out among the Executive parties but it was obvious that the big bit of work had been done and that the outstanding matters could be resolved.

The DUP even tried to take credit for securing the financial package, even though it is obvious that Martin McGuinness led the charge on that front. But that to one side small u-unionists probably were a little buoyed up that local politicians would soon have the legislative ability to bring forward measures to make this a safer society, in particular for vulnerable citizens and others at risk from criminal or anti social elements.

Then the DUP mustered at the British Parliament in London last Tuesday and demanded that the issue of Orange Parades be resolved before Policing and Justice powers could be transferred. At this point maybe the small u in small u-unionism shrank a little more? Who knows.

Suffice to say that this latest DUP position is the stuff of nonsense. Such a pre-condition is unacceptable. There are three and a half thousand loyalist parades during the Orange marching season. The rest of us – including small-u unionists - put up with a lotta lotta marches.

There are about six highly contentious parades. The Loyal Orders should sit down and talk to residents who live in the neighbourhoods involved, as well as with the elected representatives of the citizens who live there. That’s the only way to sort these matters out. The DUP know this.

So the grandstanding at Westminster was not a serious initiative or a sincere effort to resolve these issues.

The process to transfer policing and justice powers was brought further into disrepute on Thursday when a letter to Peter Robinson from Gordon Brown was sent, presumably by mistake, to the Office of the First and Deputy First Minister.

In this letter the British PM committed to issue a gratuity payment of £20 million to former members of the RUC reserve.

This issue had been raised by Brown with Martin McGuinness during negotiations. Martin told him that such a payment was wrong and unacceptable and no part of the process to transfer powers on policing and justice.

This payment forms no part of the financial package for Policing and Justice agreed with the British government between Martin McGuinness and Peter Robinson.

Moreover, at a time of economic downturn and huge pressures on working families and the disadvantaged this payment is a waste of taxpayers money.

So there you are. These things are sent to try us.

A Blog for all Seasons

October 26th 09


A Blog for all seasons

Autumn has arrived. No bad thing. With all the talk of global warming and
glacial melt down it is reassuring to sense autumnal evenings closing in
and to know that there are certainties yet in the world.

About ten years or so ago I got lost in the seasons. I was planting a lot
of trees at the time. Native species. Ash, holly, blackthorn, beech, oak
and one or two other smaller bushes. I also put in a few apple trees. In
memory of old friends.

As culchies will know, you should plant trees in the months with an ‘R’ in
them. From September to March for those of you who are without a calendar.

By the way the slang word culchie comes from County Maigh Eo, from the very fine town of Coillte Maigh or Kiltimagh.

So for the period of intense planting, maybe about two and a half years, I
lived in the seasons. The way farmers do, I guess. Autumn, Winter, Spring
and Summer became my measurement of the year. Seasons replaced months and weeks.

I also cultivated a lot of seeds. Ash and Sycamore among others. My
favourites were Rowan or Mountain Ash and Chestnuts. I got some Rowan
seeds in Chequers when MI5 weren’t watching. They are grand trees now,
flourishing and producing their own fine Irish berries.

Chestnuts are easy. Crann Cnó Capall, they come originally from Baltic
climates where the soil is much colder than the Irish variety. So the
cheesers take greatly to our slightly warmer mould, pronounced in Ulster
with a silent ‘d’. Chestnuts are very easy to grow. And easy to get.

I have a few secret places which I share only with the small people in my
life. Even your man isn’t in on this sceal. Lesser mortals gather in
parklands and estates to throw sticks or stones at giant Chestnut trees in
annual efforts to dislodge cheesers from lofty branches. We slip to where
we can harvest our own windfall. Snobby people call them conkers.

Snobby people also play a game which they also call conkers. We call it
cheesers. A cord threaded through a chestnut allows you to dangle it from
your hand while your opponent hits it with his man, also threaded with
cord. When I first instructed our first small person on how to play this
game she challenged me for calling the cheeser a man.

‘How do you know its not a girl?’ she asked, not unreasonably.

Funnily her sister made exactly the same point years later. Anna will
probably say the same thing when her turn comes.

When I was at school cheesers were all the rage at this time of the year.
I once had a twenty fiver. Your man says he had a fifty two-er but I
doubt that. Some boys used to put their cheesers up the chimney to harden.
I don’t play cheesers any more. Not seriously the way I used to. It isn’t
that I wouldn’t have another go but unless the small people in my life
take it more seriously I’ll stick to growing them.

Every cheeser is a potential tree. I have forty six cheesers waiting for
planting. So I’m glad its the season of Autumn again. Autumn is a short
season of mellow fruitfulness. Then before we know it the days begin to
turn again and winter gives way to Spring when everything with any
ambition at all screams ‘Yahooo.’

I hope this Autumn’s cheesers are very ambitious. I can’t wait for them
to scream ‘Yahoo’.

Supporting Gaelscoil Bharra



And finally, Comhghairdeas to the pupils, staff and parents of Gaelscoil Bharra in Cabra, who along with Dublin based Rhythm and Roots Band Tupelo, have reached number 7 in the Irish charts with ‘Cá bhfuil ár Scoil’.

Gaelscoil Bharra is an Irish language school which was founded 14 years ago and today has over 220 pupils. This Blog has visited Scoil Bharra a number of times and can testify to the great efforts by the school management and parents and local representatives, to get successive Ministers of Education to deliver permanent buildings for the children.

What value the Celtic Tiger when this fine school is still housed in prefabs which are overcrowded, poorly heated and where sanitation is second-rate.

Support the pupils – support the school and make Cá Bhfuil ar Scoil number 1.

This can be done by:

• Downloading from iTunes for 99c
• Texting “music 4075,” to 57501
• Buying special limited edition CD for €3 from Tower records, Wicklow Street in Dublin.

Ghaelscoil Bharra sa Chabrach

Agus, mar chríoch, comhghairdeas do na daltaí, foireann agus tuismitheoirí de Ghaelscoil Bharra sa Chabrach , atá i ndiaidh Uimhir 7 sna cairteacha a bhaint amach in éineacht le banna cheoil ‘rhythm and roots’ – Tupelo agus an CD ‘Cá bhfuil ár scoil’.

Bunaíodh Gaelscoil Bharra 14 bliana ó shin agus inniu tá níos mó ná 220 dalta ann. Thug an Blag seo roinnt cuairteanna ar Scoil Bharra agus chonaic mé an dian-iarracht atá déanta ag bainistíocht na scoile, ag tuismitheoirí agus ag ionadaithe áitiúla chun buanfhoirgnimh úra a thógáil le cead ó Airí Oideachais leanúnacha.

Cén fiúntas an Tíogar Ceilteach nuair a lonnaítear an scoil bhreá seo sna seomraí ranga réamhdhéanta atá plódaithe, gan teas cuí agus le sláintíocht dara grád.
Tacaigh leis na daltaí – tacaigh leis an scoil agus déan cinnte go bhfeicfidh muid ‘Cá bhfuil ár scoil?’ Uimhir 1 a bhaint amach.

Is féidir é seo a dhéanamh mar:
• Íoslódáil ó iTunes ar 99c
• Téacs “MUSIC 4075” a chur chuig 5701
• CD – Eagrán Teoranta a cheannacht ar € 3 ó Tower Records, Sráid Chill Mhantáin i mBaile Átha Cliath.

Thank God We’re Surrounded By Water

The Mairead Farrell Ladies Football Team Philadelphia

Oct 23rd 2009

Thank God We’re Surrounded By Water.

To Wales this week for a meeting of the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly in Swansea. This blog was never in Wales before.

My jetlag had jetlag as we journeyed forth in the rain from Belfast International Airport. My body clock was still on Philadelphia time. But this blog does not complain. That’s your man's prerogative. One gurner is enough in any entourage. In fairness he was in surprisingly good form. He likes Tír Eoghain women. So he was extremely pleased with my photos of the very successful Mairead Farrell Women’s Football team.



Admiring the trophies with Coach Angela Mohan

Based in Philly these young athletes have had a very successful season. We met last Friday. A Doire woman, a clatter of American ladies and a formidable line out – I nearly said line up – of Tír Eoghain women brought silverware, twice, to a very worthy team. Mairead would be delighted. Well done to everyone involved and to Orla who made a very fine speech. Thanks for the geansaí.

It’s great to see Gaelic games prospering throughout the diaspora. I told our friends about the Aontroim ladies success. They send comhghairdeas to their sisters. Mná na hÉireann abú.



Being presented with a geansai from Orla Treacy

In Wales meantime it rained and rained and rained. I like rain. It’s part of what we are. I also like Harry Secombe. He is Welsh. He is dead now, God rest him. Your man has one of his CDs. He used to do a religious programme on British television on a Sunday - Harry Secombe not your man - and I really liked the singing bits. He was also in the Goons.

Spike Milligan was my favourite from that line up. He was Irish. He was also a comic genius. So was Harry Secombe. But he got religion your man says. And who could not laugh at Peter Sellers in the Pink Panther? I would liked to have met Spike Milligan.

Your man also reminded me of another Welsh singer. The rugby guy. He told jokes and sang and carried a giant leek with him on stage as he sang rugby songs. I liked him as well. But I can’t remember his name.

And when I was a teenager I was very taken by How Green is My Valley a very fine novel, later a decent film, by Richard Llewellyn. I was reminded of that as we made our way from Bristol into Wales. The bilingual signage along the motorways was a treat.

So too was the bilingual nature of the Assembly. Tri-lingual when we arrived. It’s great to hear native languages without the usual chorus of negativity and bad manners.

We and the Welsh have a lot in common. Welsh or Breathnach – the Irish for Welsh – is one of the most popular surnames in Ireland. So that tells of the human traffic between our nations. Your man says Saint Patrick was a Welshman.

Of course we also had the Welsh Guards. I reminded the Assembly that this British army regiment guarded us when me and your man were poor internees in Long Kesh. They also killed Hugh Coney, a friend of mine and a fellow prisoner, when a group of unarmed internees tried to escape. So our shared history has a jagged edge to it.

Our shared future is a different matter entirely. Based on respect, independence and freedom, the future can only mean a better relationship and mutually beneficial connectiveness for all the people of these islands. Speed the day.

Achieving Irish Reunification

October 19th 09

Achieving Irish reunification

This blog travels to Wales on Tuesday – to Swansea – to speak to the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly. I will tell that forum that while Irish republicans want our rights, we do not seek to deny the rights of anyone else. We want justice for all and privilege for none.

I will go on to point out that the Irish question, as it has been described by some over the years, is not simply one for the Irish.

There is not only a democratic requirement on the part of the peoples of Britain to adopt a positive stance on how the Irish question should be finally settled, there is a moral imperative.

The peoples of Britain have a duty to themselves, to unionists in particular, to the Irish in general, and even to the world, to stand up and speak their opinion on the issue of the reunification of Ireland.

I believe that the economic and political dynamics in Ireland today make Irish reunification a realistic and realisable goal in a reasonable period of time.

We have to persuade the British government to change its policy from one of upholding the union to one of becoming a persuader for Irish unity.

This also involves persuading the other political representatives of the peoples of these islands – whether in Scotland or Wales or the North of England or London or the Isle of Man or Guernsey, that their interests are also served by helping the people of Ireland achieve reunification.

There are also common sense economic and social and environmental and health and many other reasons why Irish reunification makes sense over partition.
In reality the border is more than just an inconvenience.

It is an obstacle to progress and while its adverse affects are most clearly felt in the communities that straddle the border, it also impacts negatively throughout the island.

The reality is that the economy of the North is too small to exist in isolation.
The economies of both parts of the island are interlinked and interdependent.
The delivery of public services is restricted and inefficient.

There are two competing industrial development bodies seeking inward investment, with no coordination in supporting local industries.

We have two arts councils and two sports councils and three tourists’ bodies.
This is not efficient.

There are some who suggest that because we live in a period of severe economic difficulty that Irish reunification should be put off for the foreseeable future.
In fact the opposite is the case.

There is now a need, more than ever, for the island economy to be brought into being in the fullest sense, and for the political and administrative structures to be instituted with that in mind.

Many in the business community, north and south, already recognise this fact.
And all the indications are that the European Union also understands how the needs of Ireland can best be met by treating it as an island rather than as two entities on an island.

Geography does not necessarily determine politics, but neither can it be ignored in assessing what is the most effective approach to meeting the challenges of economic development and satisfying the needs of communities.

The Good Friday agreement is an opportunity to develop understanding and to advocate rationally, the benefits of Irish reunification.

The institutional elements of the Good Friday Agreement and of St. Andrews are therefore important mechanisms to be built upon.

Remembering Mike Doyle

With Mike's Wife Bernadette and their daughters.

From left to right: Erin, Loretta, Mary, Bernadette, Denise, and Kathleen


October 17th 09

Remembering Mike Doyle

This Blog comes to you from Philadelphia. I am here to speak at an event to honour my friend Mike Doyle. I was to come to the USA earlier this week for a round of engagements in Washington but I postponed those because the current effort to get policing and justice powers devolved takes primacy at this time.

But I couldn’t cancel Mike’s event or think of not turning up. He always turned up for us. So here I am for one night – travel all day Friday; speak Friday night – travel all day back to Ireland Saturday.

Mike died last Christmas Eve. I couldn’t believe it when I was told.

My thoughts were immediately with his family, with his wife Bernadette and daughters Mary, Denise, Loretta, Kathleen and Erin and their son Michael, his grandchildren and family circle.

But they were also with his friends and colleagues here.

With those who served with him in the police service; those who worked with him as one of Philly’s best known and most loved Irish publicans; those who laboured with him over many years in support of the cause of freedom and justice in Ireland; and all of those who were touched by his great humanity and kindness.

Philly was for me always one of the high points of any visit to the USA. I remember, like it was yesterday, arriving in Philly on our first big tour of the USA in the autumn of 1994. We were wrecked. It was a long and exhausting tour from one side of the USA to the other and back again.

Mike put us in the flat above the pub. He made us comfortable and at home. And as we relaxed, fed and watered and tired, we lay around the tv and watched a video of Shawshank Redemption. It was a restful, secure evening of camaraderie among friends made possible by Mike’s generosity.

After that Mike and his close knit group of activists always had the Irish tea and homemade scones ready for us when we arrived. The good humoured banter between them belied great friendships that had endured for decades. The stories of their adventures in Ireland were the stuff of legend and hilariously funny – as much as because Mike told them with a straight face.

When news broke of Mike’s death last Christmas Eve there was profound shock in Ireland among his many friends in the republican struggle. It was difficult to comprehend his passing. He was one of those stalwarts of the struggle.

Mike believed fervently and passionately in a United Ireland and was vocal and active in his opposition to injustice and partition.

He was a figure of great strength and commitment who always seemed to have been there through the grim and dark days of conflict and the better days of the peace process.

Mike worked away unselfishly in support of embattled communities occupied by British troops; in support of prisoners and their families and children; in support of justice campaigns; he raised money; and opened his door and home to strangers.

Among those strangers was my friend Joe Cahill with whom Mike worked very closely over the years through Noraid and with whom he developed a close and enduring friendship.

For all of this he never looked for thanks or praise. He did what he did because it was the right thing to do. In fact he would get very embarrassed when I would single him out at events to thank him for his efforts.

Mike’s death has left a great void in all our lives and in the lives of his many, many friends in Philadelphia and in Ireland. He epitomised the best of Irish America. Through hard work and business acumen he did well in Philadelphia.

He never forgot where he came from; visiting his home place of Castlerea, County Roscommon regularly. He helped people arriving in the Philly area to find jobs and was a friend to more recent immigrants. He never faltered on a commitment, no matter how large or small.

Alex Maskey remembers Mike’s support for his efforts when Alex became the first Sinn Féin Mayor of Belfast and his success in bringing former world heavyweight champion Joe Frazier to Belfast.



With Joe Frazier at the Philadelphia event for Mike

On Monday of this week the US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was in Belfast spelling out the US administrations support for the peace process and for the transfer of powers on policing and justice.

Her presence and the engagement by this and past administrations, and the positive contribution they have made to the peace process, is very much down to the hard work and tenacity of Mike Doyle and the thousands of others like him who have kept faith with the cause of peace and justice in Ireland.

We will miss him.

Mike Doyle made a difference.

Go ndeanfaidh Dia trocaire ar a anam.

No one must be left behind

October 12 2009

No one must be left behind

It has been a busy weekend. The US Secretary of State arrived in Ireland for events in Dublin and Belfast; the INLA announced an end to their armed actions; the Irish language community in Belfast celebrated three years of campaigning for an Acht na Gaeilge, and the Green Party worked out a ‘deal’ with Fianna Fáil which saved both from facing the wrath of the electorate at this time.

As your man said to me they may be green but they’re not stupid!

Stormont Castle is where this blog was this morning. It’s what architects and historians - and wikipedia - describe as a baronial castellated house.

It was built in the 19th century and acquired in 1921, along with 235 acres of land, for the site of the Unionist parliament created as a result of partition.

Over the years it has been home to Unionist Prime Ministers; government officials engaged in ‘war work’ during the early 1940’s; and a succession of British Secretaries of State after the British took direct control of the six counties in 1972.

Two years ago when the current power sharing Executive was established Martin McGuinness and Ian Paisley, in their first joint act, wrote to the British Secretary of State Peter Hain asking him to vacate the building so they could move in.
He did and they did.

This morning the Castle played host to the US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
The DUP met her first and then it was the turn of a Sinn Fein delegation which included myself, Martin McGuinness, Michelle Gildernew, Caitríona Ruane, Gerry Kelly, and Martina Anderson.

Much of the focus of the Clinton visit has been on the issue of transfer of powers on policing and justice. The Secretary of State has been very strong in her public comments that it needs to happen. It is an ‘essential milestone’ she has said which is ‘within reach.’

But it’s not the only issue. As she acknowledged in the Assembly, when she spoke about the growth in US investment in the north, it must also be about opportunity. Investment in jobs has to be about improving the lives of citizens.

Structured political, religious and economic discrimination is still a major factor in creating and perpetuating inequality. Investment has to be about ending inequality.

The reality, as this blog has observed before, is that the peace process, the political process, must deliver jobs. It must deliver change. It must deliver economic investment and development into those areas which have been neglected and discriminated against for generations, and particularly since partition.

It must deliver for communities, including deprived unionist working class neighbourhoods.

No one must be left behind as a result of the progress that has and is being made. That means that the Executive and the agencies of government have to ensure that investment from the USA and elsewhere is directed into areas which have been disadvantaged.

Of course there is resistance within the establishment to that. But bit by bit that has to be broken down.

The weekend also saw some positive political developments with the announcement by the INLA that it is to end its ‘armed struggle’ and to pursue its goals through ‘exclusively peaceful political struggle.’

Given the history of the INLA there will undoubtedly be some scepticism about their announcement.

Inevitably the INLA decision will place the spotlight on those other micro republican organisations who still insist on using violence. They should listen to the will of the Irish people and accept that political objectives can only be pursued by purely peaceful and democratic methods.

And finally let me congratulate Pobal and all of those citizens who turned out at St. George's Market in Belfast to celebrate three years of campaigning for Acht na Gaeilge.

It was a great afternoon with lots of music and craic for the hundreds of young people who attended.

CEARTA AGUS CEILIURADH

CEARTA AGUS CEILIURADH.

This blog is very indebted to a wee man called Beausang. He was a Christian Brother and a champion of the Irish language. He was my ticket to the Gaeltacht in Donegal when I was a young student. A summer vacation with a bunch of other gaelgeoiri in DerryBeg was my first introduction to that wonderful county and to the magic world of an Irish speaking community. We went to Eoin Ellen Boyle’s house, eight or nine young Belfast boys bunked up in two back bedrooms. The small allowance given to the host families provided some economic subsidy for them in what were very lean times. Summer in the Gaeltacht was brilliant. Why do I tell you all this?

Well Brother Beau died some time ago and among his belongings and books and other bits and pieces was the certificate he gave when I passed my exam for a silver fáinne. A fáinne is a small lapel pin which some Irish speakers wear to let other speakers know that they are gaelgeoiri. The silver one is for those who are fairly proficient in the language. The gold one is for those who are more proficient. I was delighted to get the certificate. Here it is with my thanks to Brother Beau. And to the kind person who sent it to me.





By the way I had a lovely Friday morning in the Whiterock Library with youngsters from Naiscoil an Sleibhe Dhuibh as part of Book Start Day. This very fine charity was set up to introduce children to books and to encourage them and their parents to join and use our libraries. When I was asked to attend the event I asked if it could be bilingual and the organisers readily agreed so we all had a good time reciting and singing Irish Nursery rhymes and listening to some very fine stories.

Well done to Bookstart, to the staff at the Whiterock Library and to our friends at Sleibhe Dhuibh.



And finally,

If you are in Belfast on Sunday 11th October there is a big Irish Language Day at St George’s Market. It starts at 1.00pm and the official opening will be by Alun Ffred Jones, the Welsh Heritage Minister. The event is organised by Pobal and will include:

Workshops on dance, arts, historical tours: The Irish language and St George’s Market, An Snáthaid Mhór, Éamonn Maguire, Tura Arutura,

Music – Cór Loch Lao, Coláiste Feirste and the musical grease, Bunscoil Phobail Feirste Choir,

High flying circus spectacle with the Belfast Circus,

Dance – The fabulous Celtic Storm,

Ceilí with Máire Ua Bruadair and John McGurren Céilí Band,

Origami, Na Bopóga, Henna hand painting, Face painting, Exhibitions, Food, Information stalls, plus surprises and lots more.

happy birthday to me

Deireadh Fómhair 5 2009

Happy birthday to me

This blog is living the last day of my sixtieth year. Tomorrow I will be sixty one. Sixty one is a very good age to be. I am looking forward to it.

That I am spending a great part of the last day of my sixtieth year in the company of the British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and sundry support staff – his, not ours – is a sign that I have not yet given up on the Democratic Unionist Party. They may or may not believe me but I hope they appreciate the time I am sacrificing for them and for the public good.

Having said that it is my certain view that stalling by the DUP on the transfer of policing and justice powers – the reason for Mr Brown’s visitation - is without logic or rationale for anyone outside DUPland.

The DUP position is contradictory and confused. Indeed a survey of recent DUP statements on this issue shows this to be the case.

As a result the transfer of policing and justice powers has become a political football within unionism. The unionist parties are now cynically vying with each other as they seek to win a tactical advantage over political opponents.

The financial arrangements are crucially important and Sinn Féin has consistently demanded and is demanding adequate and sustained funding by the British government for the transfer of powers and the running of a government department.

Positive leadership can secure an acceptable financial arrangement and create the conditions for the speedy transfer of powers. This in turn will restore confidence in the political institutions and provide a positive climate for inward investment and the necessary fight back on the economy.

A failure by the DUP to deliver on this issue will be a failure for their political leadership. It will encourage their political rivals in the TUV and UUP to set the political agenda for unionism.

These parties, especially the DUP and the UUP – which proclaim themselves as law and order parties – need to reflect on the importance of policing and justice to society.

In my view the political institutions and particularly the Assembly and the Executive should be about ensuring a democratically accountable, efficient and effective policing and justice system. We need to reassure communities which are deeply anxious about public safety issues. We need to protect families, senior citizens and other vulnerable people who concerned about safety in their homes.

Political parties need to be about creating the conditions which tackle crime and the causes of crime. We need to protect the victims of crime while guaranteeing that criminals will be pursued relentlessly and successfully within the law.

All the political parties have agreed to construct local policing and justice arrangements to achieve this.

Recent years has seen significant progress made on most of this. But the key development necessary to lock down the reforms that have been made, to ensure democratic accountability and build on the changes that have occurred, is the transfer of powers on policing and justice. This includes a locally accountable minister to make informed decisions based on local experience and need.

The police support the transfer of policing and justice powers.

Last year the DUP agreed a process which would deliver this. But until now the necessary political will to complete that process has been absent.

The old Stormont system was brought down 37 years ago because the Unionists walked out when the British removed policing and justice powers. Now when everything is in place to take these powers back from London it is the unionist parties, and especially a devolutionist party, who are resisting this.

The irony of this should not be lost on unionist grassroots. It is certainly not lost on the rest of us. In drawing attention to this huge contradiction this blog is not trying to score a political point. The issue is too important for that.

The only point in being in public office is to get things done. We have a duty not to disappoint those who depend on us to make society better, fairer and safer for them. Whether the DUP is up for this will become clear in the next short period. In the meantime Happy Birthday to me.

At the Clinton Global Initiative

October 2nd 09

At the Clinton Global Initiative

I was in New York last week for the first two days of the 5th annual gathering of the Clinton Global Initiative. The CGI was held, as usual in the Sheraton Hotel and Towers on 7th Avenue. As regular readers will know I spend a lot of my life in one hotel or another but the Sheraton is one I have grown quite familiar with. It also has an early link with the Clinton Presidency and the Irish peace process.

In January 1994, and after torturous negotiations, President Clinton gave me a 48 hour visa to visit New York to participate in a conference on Ireland being organised by the National Committee on American Foreign Policy. There was uproar from the British. Their hysterical handling of the issue guaranteed that my visit made the headlines everywhere!

For my part I wanted to ensure in the limited time available to me that I had an opportunity to meet Irish America. An event, sponsored by ‘Americans for a New Irish Agenda’, was held in the Sheraton Hotel and Towers. It was my first public meeting with Irish America and it was packed with an enthusiastic and excited capacity crowd.

Since then the annual New York Friends of Sinn Féin fund raisers have been held in the Sheraton each autumn. So I have become very familiar with the twists and turns and nooks and crannies of this large establishment.

President Bill Clinton established the CGI in 2005. But to make it more than another conference talking shop its primary focus is to ‘turn ideas into action’.

The conferences are action orientated. Every session concludes with action proposals aimed at bringing together NGOs, senior figures in the business sector, political leaders and government officials, and those concerned at the many problems facing the people of the world today. Sometimes the amounts of money involved are colossal, sometimes they are very small or are commitments of time and energy.

This year the CGI concentrated on four main areas of concern; Financing an Equitable Future; Building Human Capital; Strengthening Infrastructure and Harnessing Innovation for Development. I was especially impressed by the sessions that were held on empowering women and girls.
At its close on Friday President Clinton was able to announce that the CGI had secured another 284 commitments with a value of $9.4 billion. This brings the total value of the commitments generated by the CGI since 2005 to $57 billion.
The affect of all of this is expected to result in:
• 30 million children will gain access to education.
• 2 million girls will be reached through school enrollment efforts.
• 7 million people will be reached with clean energy.
• 83 million people will have increased access to health services.
• 4.7 million children will benefit from malnutrition interventions.
• 18 million people will have increased access to safe drinking water.

Because of the Lisbon Referendum campaign I had initially thought that participating this year would be impractical but after some discussion with colleagues it was agreed that I would spend two days at the conference.

I find the conferences personally very educational. There is a huge amount of information provided, as well as an opportunity to meet a wide range of people.

In hindsight it was fortunate that we decided that I should go because it allowed me an opportunity to meet President Clinton and brief him on the current situation in the political institutions and the failures of the British and Irish government in implementing their commitments under the Good Friday Agreement.

It also allowed me to be present at the special session President Clinton organised involving Peter Robinson, the First Minister, Martin McGuinness the deputy First Minister, Declan Kelly the newly appointed US Economic Envoy to Ireland; Míchael Martin the Irish Government’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Shaun Woodward the British Secretary of State.

The focus on the session, which was packed, was the need for economic investment to underpin the progress that has been made and to ensure that those who have been worst affected by decades of inequality and conflict feel the benefits of peace.

It was a good meeting. An optimistic meeting. However, and Peter Robinson is bound to know this, there will be no significant or substantial inward investment in the absence of stable, efficient political institutions which are delivering on their remit.

So, the delay in the transfer of powers on policing and justice cannot go on indefinitely.