Let me begin by saying once
again that the shooting of Brian Stack was wrong.
It was a grievous loss for
his family and should never have happened.
In the absence of the two
governments agreeing to a process to deal with the past I sought to try and
assist the family of Brian Stack to gain a degree of acknowledgement and
closure.
I did so at their request.
What has happened over the
last year points up the challenges of this course of action and the urgent need
for a proper legacy process to be established.
For the
record I will again set out the sequence of events and my efforts to assist the
family of Brian Stack.
Austin
Stack approached me in 2013 seeking acknowledgment for what happened to his
father.
I met
Austin a number of times over the course of the following months, mostly on my
own.
Austin
and his brother Oliver made it clear to me personally and said publicly that
they were not looking for people to go to gaol.
They
wanted acknowledgement. They wanted closure.
There is
a note of that initial meeting,
I am
releasing that today.
The
computer stamp shows that this note was typed into the computer on May 16th
seven days after the first meeting with the family.
Austin
Stack speaks of his commitment to restorative justice processes. I believe him.
I told
the Stack brothers that I could only help on the basis of confidentiality.
This was
the same basis on which I had been able to assist other families.
Both
Austin and Oliver agreed to respect the confidential nature of the process we
were going to try to put in place.
Without
that commitment I could never have pursued the meeting they were seeking which
took place later that summer.
The brothers
were given a statement by a former IRA leader.
The
statement was made available publicly by the Stack family.
The
statement acknowledged that the IRA was responsible for their father’s death;
that it regretted it took so long to clarify this for them; that the shooting
of Brian Stack was not authorised by the IRA leadership; and that the person
who gave the instruction was disciplined.
The
statement expressed sorrow for the pain and hurt the Stack family suffered.
Following
the meeting the family acknowledged that the process, and I quote, “has
provided us with some answers that three separate Garda investigations failed
to deliver. We would like to thank Deputy Adams for the role he has played in
facilitating this outcome.”
Since
then the position of Austin Stack has changed.
In 2013
Austin Stack gave me the names of four people whom he believed might have
information on the case.
He told
me that he had been given these names by journalistic and Garda sources.
Now
Austin Austin Stack has denied giving me names.
Why on
earth would I say that I received the names from him if I didn’t?
In
February of this year Austin Stack also claimed that he gave names to the
Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin.
If Austin
Stack was prepared to give names to Mr. Martin, why would he not have given
them to me?
I was
after all the person he was asking to arrange a meeting.
At Austin
Stack’s request I contacted those I could from the names he gave me.
They
denied having any information about the killing of Brian Stack.
I told
Austin Stack this.
During
the election campaign earlier this year the Fianna Fáil leader and others
repeated a lot of what was said in 2013.
It was
part of his election strategy against Sinn Féin.
However,
in addition allegations were made that I was withholding information from the
Garda.
It was in
this context, and to remove any uncertainty or ambiguity I emailed the Garda
Commissioner the names that Austin Stack had given me and which he said had
come from Garda and journalistic sources.
I have
never at any time described those named as suspects.
I made it
clear to the Garda Commissioner that I have no information on the death of
Brian Stack.
The email
was only sent after I had spoken to three of the four.
There is
a live Garda investigation.
I am
prepared to cooperate with this.
The
position of Fianna Fáil leader, who was a Minister in successive Fianna Fáil
government’s during the peace process, and of the Taoiseach on this issue is
hypocritical, inconsistent and disappointing.
I have never sought
publicity on these issues.
Any public comments I have
made have been in response to others.
Firstly, when Austin Stack
publicly asked to meet me, and during the process we established in 2013.
Secondly when Fine Gael and
Fianna Fáil sought to exploit this issue as part of their election campaign.
And today I make this
statement in the Dáil following an email that I wrote to the Garda Commissioner
being put inappropriately in my opinion into the public realm and then raised
here in the Dáil twice by the Fianna Fáil leader.
I say inappropriately
because there is a live investigation into the murder of Brian Stack and we in
this chamber should be mindful not to say anything which might prejudice this
or any future court proceedings.
The Fianna Fáil leader and
the Taoiseach seem to be unconcerned about this.
Micheál Martin says, I
named four people who I understand to be suspects in the murder of Mr Stack.
Teachta Martin has misled the
Dáil.
I never made such a
statement.
I have never described
those named as suspects.
He says, that I said, I took
a note of the meeting between Austin and Oliver Stack and a former IRA leader.
I never said this.
I took no note of that
meeting.
He says I took Austin and
Oliver Stack to that meeting in a blacked out van.
The Taoiseach even went so
far as to say I drove the van.
Not true. I travelled with
the Stack brothers in my car to a prearranged place on the border and then we
were all taken in a van to the meeting in the north and as had been arranged.
The
Fianna Fáil leader and the Taoiseach should correct the Dáil record on these.
Since Fr.
Alex Reid and Fr. Des Wilson, myself and John Hume began our work to develop a
peace process successive Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael governments, encouraged and
facilitated meetings between myself and Martin McGuinness and the IRA
leadership.
Is the
Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader now demanding that we should have named those
we met?
Do you
think this would have helped the peace process which we all now hopefully
appreciate?
I recall
one specific occasion when a meeting in St. Luke’s with the then Taoiseach
Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair’s Chief of Staff Jonathon Powell was suspended to
allow Martin McGuinness and I to meet the IRA.
On other
occasions initiatives involving the Irish and British government, the IRA, the
Ulster Unionist Party and Sinn Féin were constructed to advance the process.
Meetings
were adjourned to facilitate this.
These
conversations helped to secure historic cessations.
Should
those involved be named.
None of
these would have been possible without talking to the IRA.
Micheál
Martin knows this.
Our efforts led in July 2005 to the IRA announcing an end to the
armed campaign and to engaging with the International Independent Commission on
Decommissioning to put its arms beyond use.
Progress that could only have been secured on the basis of direct contact
and confidentially.
Is Micheál
Martin demanding that Martin McGuinness and I should name those we were meeting
in the IRA leadership and who decided to put their arms beyond use?
Is he
demanding that the Decommissioning Body name those IRA members it met and put their
weapons beyond use?
Are they
demanding that Cyril Ramaphosa and Martii Ahtisaari name those in the IRA they
engaged with to facilitate the arms beyond use process?
Should we
now name all of those in the IRA who supported the peace process and took
difficult but courageous decisions?
I and
others also assisted the Smithwick Commission. Should they be named?
One of
the most difficult legacy issues that we have had to deal with is that of the
disappeared. A grave injustice was done to these families.
The
governments established the Independent Commission for the Location of Victims Remains
at my request and with Fr. Reid’s support.
As a result of our efforts
12 of the 16 victims have been recovered and work continues on seeking
information on the remain four.
I haven’t given up on this.
Martin McGuinness and I
continue to meet regularly with the Commission.
The Commission also meets
with former IRA people.
Should they be named.
Mícheál Martin knows all of
this. He was a senior member of the government which established the commission.
Progress
was only possible on the basis of confidentially and trust. That is why no
IRA people where named during any of these initiatives and why they should not
be named today.
It is an
essential part of any conflict resolution process.
Sinn Féin has worked
consistently to resolve the issues of the past.
As part of our commitment
to this I have met many families, like that of Brian Stack, who have lost loved
ones.
If the
Taoiseach and Micheál Martin are interested in healing the legacy of the past
for all families, including the Stacks, the Finucane’s, the families of the
Dublin Monaghan bombs and hundreds more, then they could begin by putting in
place an International based independent truth recovery process or by making
the Fresh Start and other legacy agreements we have made to work.
My
generation of republican activists who lived through and survived the war have
a responsibility to try and bring the families of victims of the war,
irrespective of who they are, was responsible, to a better place.
That is
what I have tried to do with my engagement in 2013 with the Stack Family.
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