There is a long affinity between Irish republicans and the Basque people. Each year, especially in August, large numbers of Basque activists travel to Ireland to meet republican activists and to discuss the situation here and in the Basque country.
This Blog has been there several times. There was huge excitement and expectation during the period of the ETA cessation in 2006. This Blog witnessed that during a visit in June of that year to the region. The collapse of the cessation in December 2006 after only 9 months was a huge disappointment.
Since then there have been behind the scenes efforts to restore the opportunity and hope that the cessation had created. These have included work by this Blog and other senior Sinn Féin activists who have engaged in an ongoing dialogue with Batasuna and others in an effort to help create new momentum in the stalled Basque peace process.
Rufino Exteberria is a leader of Batasuna, the Basque political party which was banned 7 years ago by the Spanish state because of its support for ETA. He is currently out on bail.
In recent months he has been involved with others in a lengthy process of dialogue which I understand involved up to 7,000 activists. This is a remarkable achievement.
It concluded last weekend in a conference of the Abertzale Left Regional Assemblies, which includes Batasuna. The conference agreed a new political strategy for progress.
The Resolution, ‘Standing up for Euskal Herria’ commits Abertzale Left to using ‘exclusively political and democratic means’ to advance its political objectives. It seeks to advance political change “in a complete absence of violence and without interference’ and ‘conducted in accordance with the Mitchell Principles.’ And its political goal is achieve a “stable and lasting peace in the Basque country.”
In an interview on Sunday in the Basque language paper Berria, this new strategy was explained by Exteberria. He said: “We consider that the process has to be done without violence, which means of course, that it will have to happen without any armed activity by ETA. He reaffirmed that the new political strategy agreed last weekend seeks to advance basque goals by “peaceful and democrtatic” means. “That means without armed actions by ETA, and without violence or interference by the Spanish state.”
This is an important development which creates an opportunity for an end to conflict in the Basque country and for real political progress.
It is also evidence of a determination on the part of Abertzale Left to resolve the conflict and to pursue national and democratic rights through peaceful and democratic methods.
The political conclusions to emerge out of the weekend conference are an even more important and significant development.
The next steps are crucially important in terms of the strategies Abertzale Left develop and the response of the Spanish State.
Lessons need to be learned form the 2006 period. Dialogue is urgently required. All sides must be prepared to take risks. This is always very difficult.
The Basque separatist groups have spent a lot of time internally agreeing a new way forward. The Socialist government of José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero now needs to demonstrate a willingness to examine closely the language, strategy and direction now being taken by Abertzale Left. And to respond positively.
The US, the EU and others helped the Irish peace process. There is also an important role for the international community in encouraging a resurgent peace process in the Basque country.
Sinn Féin will work to promote conflict resolution and to assist in whatever way we can the emergence of a viable and effective peace process.
There is a real opportunity for a fundamental change in the relationship between the Basque country and the Spanish state. There is an onus on everyone to grasp this in good faith and to make every effort to bring an end to conflict in that region.
Friday, February 26, 2010
Monday, February 22, 2010
ONLY A GAME?
Aontroim beat Sligo in a cracking game in Casement a fortnight ago and although they kept us hanging on until the final whistle before the victory was sealed this blog went home happy and vindicated by the success of our senior footballers.
Then not long after that came news of the win against Cabhán.
Two in a row!
What bliss. Long journeys home after defeat after defeat after defeat. For years and years and years. Then to add to my glee there came news of Doire’s dismal display.
In a totally non-partisan, non-triumphalistic and absolutely comradely way, I dropped a suitably comforting text to my leader, the deputy First Minister. His answer was illuminating.
‘Too many injuries, the grass was too long, the cows were in the wrong corner of the fields around Swatragh and the away jersey doesn’t work. But all will be sorted come the Championship.’
Scéal about Tír Éoghain going down to Maigh Eo prompted another one of my consoling texts to Mark McLarnon, an occasional Tír Eoghain man and a well-known dart thrower. His response was curt but no less entertaining.
‘Early days yet,’ he texted ‘ye Antrim people can book your summer holidays in August. The problem for us Tyrone ones is that we have to keep our summers free. Right up till September.’
Then on Sunday last on a bitterly cold day in Casement our senior hurlers saw off a hard-working Carlow side. Both sides made hard work of it but a win is a win is a win. After the umpteenth wide the two elders standing behind me commented on the unfortunate mispucking Carlow player.
‘I wonder what is going through Mark’s head at the minute?’ one of them
pondered.
‘Don’t know’ his friend said ‘but there’s plenty of space’
Hurlers on the ditch often have a way with words. A wee book, The GAA,
Fun and Games by John Scally, published by Wolfhound Press contains many
of these fine words. From Joe Brolly as well as Pat Spillane, Ger
Loughnane and many many others.
Here are some gems, Pat Spillane first.
‘The first half was even. The second half was even worse’.
‘My mother has arthritis but even she has more pace than the Armagh
full-back line.’
Ger Loughnane,
‘I’m not giving away any secrets like that to Tipp. If I had my way, I
wouldn’t even tell them the time of the throw-in.’
‘He had a photographic memory which never developed.’
Joe Brolly.
‘Several of those players out there today aren’t even the cousin of a
county player.’
‘Geoffrey McConigle has an arse like two bags of cement.’
John O Mahoney, ‘Good ball is when we have it. Bad ball is when the other
side have it.’
Mickey Harte ‘We had to work very hard for this – it took 119 years for us
to get it.’
Liam Griffin,’ He had an eternity to play that ball, but he took too long.’
Jimmy Deane, ‘Hurling and sex are the only two things you can enjoy
without being good at it’.
Colm O Rourke, ‘Benny Coulter has a left foot in the wrong place’.
DJ Carey, ‘If a team scores early on: it often takes an early lead.’
Henry Shefflin,‘I am a firm believer that you have to score more than the
other team if you want to win.’
And to finish…. some anonymous bits and pieces.
‘Even the McKennas don’t go to the McKenna Cup.’
‘Kerry would have won if Meath hadn’t turned up.’
‘Avoid excitement. Watch the Dubs!.
‘Ref!! you cudn’t see a foul in a henhouse.’
So there you are. Just to show there is more to life than meets the eye.
Or as Micheál Ó Muircheartaigh put it in one of his magical commentaries,
‘…and Brian Dooher is down injured. And while he is down I’ll tell ye a little story. I was in Times Square in New York last week, and I was missing the Championship back home and I said “I suppose ye wouldn’t have The Kerryman would ye?” To which, the Egyptian behind the counter turned to me and he said,’ Do you want the North Kerry edition or the South Kerry edition?’.. he had both …. so I bought both. Dooher is back on his feet”.
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Buiochas
Most men when they do housework like to draw attention to it. So, washing the bathroom, mopping the floors, doing the shopping, emptying the washing machine becomes a matter of great macho pride worthy of universal acknowledgement and acclaim.
This Blog has to confess to tilting slightly in that direction. Not as far in that direction as your man but a sneaking regarder nonetheless.
Most women who do housework – just do it. Along with numerous other multi-tasks which they perform on a daily basis. Including child minding and men humouring.
This Blog has been immersed in housework for the last wee while, while the house maker in this family is sick. It’s been an interesting experience for everyone involved.
There’s nothing more sickening, when you’ve just cleaned out the bathroom to discover someone going in to destroy your good work by having a pee in the place.
So too with window cleaning. And food shopping. Some people just don’t appreciate the effort involved in all of this. But anyway it’s a small price to pay. I am glad to report that Colette is doing well and is slightly overwhelmed and considerably boasted by all the messages of support and solidarity. Anyway she’s better telling you that herself.
Apart from anything else I’ve the dishes to rid up. So here’s Colette.
“A month ago the results of tests I had undertaken revealed I had
cancer.
It was a great shock but I was told by my doctor and consultant that my
cancer was treatable and that I would very quickly be taken into hospital
for an operation and to determine what further treatment I might require.
Last week I had major surgery. Afterward I was told by the consultant that he believed the operation to have been a success, although more tests will follow.
The hospital staff was conscientious, kind, and very positive throughout
my time there. I want to thank all of them for their compassion and care.
I also want to thank my family doctor and the staff at his surgery. It was
my doctor’s attention to my concerns that ensured the early detection of
the cancer and the treatment I have just received.
My family and friends who were aware of my condition were hugely
supportive and I want to thank them for all the love and support they give me.
I also want to thank all of the many other people who have in recent days been in contact and who have expressed their support and concern.
This has been a difficult experience for me and those close to me.
Cancer is a frightening disease. To be told you have it is a terrifying and
emotional experience. It is impossible to describe. However I am very
positive and determined to get well again.
The crucial lesson from my experience is the importance of early
detection. No matter what age you are there is an absolute need for men
and women who have any concerns whatever about their health to seek early medical advice. Don’t be embarrassed or concerned about speaking to your doctor. He or she is your friend.
Speak to them without delay. Cancer is treatable and early detection can
ensure a successful outcome.”
This Blog has to confess to tilting slightly in that direction. Not as far in that direction as your man but a sneaking regarder nonetheless.
Most women who do housework – just do it. Along with numerous other multi-tasks which they perform on a daily basis. Including child minding and men humouring.
This Blog has been immersed in housework for the last wee while, while the house maker in this family is sick. It’s been an interesting experience for everyone involved.
There’s nothing more sickening, when you’ve just cleaned out the bathroom to discover someone going in to destroy your good work by having a pee in the place.
So too with window cleaning. And food shopping. Some people just don’t appreciate the effort involved in all of this. But anyway it’s a small price to pay. I am glad to report that Colette is doing well and is slightly overwhelmed and considerably boasted by all the messages of support and solidarity. Anyway she’s better telling you that herself.
Apart from anything else I’ve the dishes to rid up. So here’s Colette.
“A month ago the results of tests I had undertaken revealed I had
cancer.
It was a great shock but I was told by my doctor and consultant that my
cancer was treatable and that I would very quickly be taken into hospital
for an operation and to determine what further treatment I might require.
Last week I had major surgery. Afterward I was told by the consultant that he believed the operation to have been a success, although more tests will follow.
The hospital staff was conscientious, kind, and very positive throughout
my time there. I want to thank all of them for their compassion and care.
I also want to thank my family doctor and the staff at his surgery. It was
my doctor’s attention to my concerns that ensured the early detection of
the cancer and the treatment I have just received.
My family and friends who were aware of my condition were hugely
supportive and I want to thank them for all the love and support they give me.
I also want to thank all of the many other people who have in recent days been in contact and who have expressed their support and concern.
This has been a difficult experience for me and those close to me.
Cancer is a frightening disease. To be told you have it is a terrifying and
emotional experience. It is impossible to describe. However I am very
positive and determined to get well again.
The crucial lesson from my experience is the importance of early
detection. No matter what age you are there is an absolute need for men
and women who have any concerns whatever about their health to seek early medical advice. Don’t be embarrassed or concerned about speaking to your doctor. He or she is your friend.
Speak to them without delay. Cancer is treatable and early detection can
ensure a successful outcome.”
Thursday, February 18, 2010
‘Christ-centred, Bible-based and Church grounded.’
For those of you who are interested Channel 4 is broadcasting a programme presented by this Blog on Sunday evening at 6.55pm. The programme is called ‘The Bible: A History – Jesus’.
For reasons beyond me my role as presenter is causing a little controversy among the great and the good. And that’s even before the programme is broadcast. It’s a bit like condemning a book you’ve never read.
For my part it was an interesting project. The technical and artistic side of film making, and all the others bits and bobs that go with that, was educational. But the opportunity to immerse myself with the Jesus message and to visit places that he had lived in, as well as the access to scholars was mighty.
So, I am happy with the programme. And I thank everyone who was involved in putting it together.
I learned a lot about the historical figure of Jesus during this project and also about the Jesus message of peace, love, forgiveness and repentance. One of the interesting little side issues was that some of the people involved in making the programme from Britain saw the conflict in Ireland as a religious one.
This obviously wasn’t a thought out view. In fact it was very superficial and I found it very interesting that every Irish person I spoke to, regardless of their political allegiance, dismissed the description of the conflict here as religious.
So, the education in the making of this programme wasn’t just good for me it was good for everyone.
Religion or the exploitation of religion and sectarianism is of course part of the backcloth by which the conflict in Ireland was created and sustained by the establishment. Sectarianism is a direct symptom and a tool of colonialism. It is a device to keep people in their place and to divide people who have a lot in common with each other.
Which brings me to the issue of the Orange Order. The Orange proclaims itself as ‘Christ-centred, Bible-based and Church grounded.’
There are over three thousand orange marches in the north every year. Generally speaking they pass off without any great fuss, not least because of the tolerance of everybody else. There are a small number of contentious parades which for years caused considerable difficulties.
One of the big problems incidentally touched on by a loyalist leader, Jackie MacDonald this week, is that the orange would march into an area where they were unwelcome and leave everybody else to deal with the consequences in the weeks and months afterwards.
That the lid was generally kept on some of these areas is down to local residents and Sinn Féin representatives. But there has also been good steady work done by others on the unionist side, including sensible people in loyalist and community organisations.
All of these matters are currently the subject of a working group set up by the First Minister and deputy First Minister, as set out in the agreement at Hillsborough. It comprises of 6 people with experience of parading issues. They are charged with bringing forward agreed outcomes with the potential to create a new improved framework for the management and regulation of public assemblies, including parades and related protests.
Irrespective of the differences between us there is clearly a need to focus on how to resolve the remaining handful of contentious parades in a spirit of mutual respect. As a society, we cannot afford the negative and unsustainable political, financial and social costs from parading disputes.
But we have to go beyond settling contentious parades. We need to build a new relationship of tolerance and respect. Irish republicans want to understand and appreciate the position of the Orange. We accept the right of the Order to parade and to promote its sense of Orangeism. But this has to be on the basis of equality and mutual respect and tolerance.
The Orange Order and Orangeism is a part of who we are as a nation. We recognise that Orange is one of our national colours, and republicans and nationalists need to be continuously reminded of this. Mutual respect is required all round. If we want respect for our views then we must also respect the views of those who differ from us.
Some commentators have said that the working group on parades has its work cut out. That’s only true if there’s a lack of political will. In my view the political will is there. It might need encouraged and developed but I believe we could well see the ushering in of a new atmosphere and a new willingness by everyone to create tolerance and greater understanding of the differences between all of us.
For reasons beyond me my role as presenter is causing a little controversy among the great and the good. And that’s even before the programme is broadcast. It’s a bit like condemning a book you’ve never read.
For my part it was an interesting project. The technical and artistic side of film making, and all the others bits and bobs that go with that, was educational. But the opportunity to immerse myself with the Jesus message and to visit places that he had lived in, as well as the access to scholars was mighty.
So, I am happy with the programme. And I thank everyone who was involved in putting it together.
I learned a lot about the historical figure of Jesus during this project and also about the Jesus message of peace, love, forgiveness and repentance. One of the interesting little side issues was that some of the people involved in making the programme from Britain saw the conflict in Ireland as a religious one.
This obviously wasn’t a thought out view. In fact it was very superficial and I found it very interesting that every Irish person I spoke to, regardless of their political allegiance, dismissed the description of the conflict here as religious.
So, the education in the making of this programme wasn’t just good for me it was good for everyone.
Religion or the exploitation of religion and sectarianism is of course part of the backcloth by which the conflict in Ireland was created and sustained by the establishment. Sectarianism is a direct symptom and a tool of colonialism. It is a device to keep people in their place and to divide people who have a lot in common with each other.
Which brings me to the issue of the Orange Order. The Orange proclaims itself as ‘Christ-centred, Bible-based and Church grounded.’
There are over three thousand orange marches in the north every year. Generally speaking they pass off without any great fuss, not least because of the tolerance of everybody else. There are a small number of contentious parades which for years caused considerable difficulties.
One of the big problems incidentally touched on by a loyalist leader, Jackie MacDonald this week, is that the orange would march into an area where they were unwelcome and leave everybody else to deal with the consequences in the weeks and months afterwards.
That the lid was generally kept on some of these areas is down to local residents and Sinn Féin representatives. But there has also been good steady work done by others on the unionist side, including sensible people in loyalist and community organisations.
All of these matters are currently the subject of a working group set up by the First Minister and deputy First Minister, as set out in the agreement at Hillsborough. It comprises of 6 people with experience of parading issues. They are charged with bringing forward agreed outcomes with the potential to create a new improved framework for the management and regulation of public assemblies, including parades and related protests.
Irrespective of the differences between us there is clearly a need to focus on how to resolve the remaining handful of contentious parades in a spirit of mutual respect. As a society, we cannot afford the negative and unsustainable political, financial and social costs from parading disputes.
But we have to go beyond settling contentious parades. We need to build a new relationship of tolerance and respect. Irish republicans want to understand and appreciate the position of the Orange. We accept the right of the Order to parade and to promote its sense of Orangeism. But this has to be on the basis of equality and mutual respect and tolerance.
The Orange Order and Orangeism is a part of who we are as a nation. We recognise that Orange is one of our national colours, and republicans and nationalists need to be continuously reminded of this. Mutual respect is required all round. If we want respect for our views then we must also respect the views of those who differ from us.
Some commentators have said that the working group on parades has its work cut out. That’s only true if there’s a lack of political will. In my view the political will is there. It might need encouraged and developed but I believe we could well see the ushering in of a new atmosphere and a new willingness by everyone to create tolerance and greater understanding of the differences between all of us.
Sunday, February 14, 2010
Sinn Féin agus an Ghaeilge
Feb 14th 2010
Sinn Féin is serious about the Irish language. Even our political opponents acknowledge this. That means on a day to day basis that in councils across Ireland, in Teach Laighean, in the Assembly and in the European Parliament we are doing our best by the language.
Sinn Féin has fought, marched, argued and cajoled for the rights of Irish speakers. We have spent hours and hours with both governments and the unionists explaining why we believe that those who wish to live their lives through the medium of Irish should be free to do so unencumbered by legislation dating back to the Penal Laws or prejudices imposed by outdated notions of colonial superiority.
We have pointed out that this is a serious life-choice and it cries out for the same recognition and protection under law as any other section of Irish society.
What will make the defining difference in our society will be an increase in the numbers of people who choose to live their lives through the medium of Irish. Those who speak Irish (especially to their children) in their homes, at work and socially, who send their children to Gaelscoileanna and hopefully in the future, third level institutions, will change this society and make it truly bilingual.
In the meantime Sinn Féin will continue to fight for rights for Irish speakers today and everyday because it is the right thing to do. What do Irish language rights mean?
It means that Irish speakers are entitled to exactly the same rights as English speakers. It means Acht na Gaeilge. But Acht na Gaeilge is not the be all and end all of Irish language campaigning. It is a reasonable, necessary and modest legal entitlement. In this Blogs opinion it will be secured.
But all the progress to date and the wonderful renaissance and flowering of Irish has been achieved without an Acht na Gaeilge. That work is to the credit of activists, teachers, parents, and Gaeilgeoirí right across the spectrum.
That work must continue. We – by we I mean the Irish language community - will have victories but we will also have setbacks; that is the nature of struggle.
I and others in the Sinn Féin leadership have done important work with Éamon Ó Cuív, the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, and Micheal Martin the Minister for Foreign Affairs and we will continue to explore ways to get Irish government support for Irish language development across the island but particularly in the north.
Both of these Ministers are committed Gaeilgeoirí. So is the Taoiseach.
That is why the government’s initial reticence about advancing the Irish language agenda at the Hillsborough talks was so exasperating.
Sinn Féin put Acht na Gaeilge and an Irish language strategy and the 1737 Administration of Justice Act, which bans the use of Irish in the courts, on the agenda. The British government resisted this. Presumably for fear of alienating the unionists or in a tactical decision to focus only on the transfer of policing and justice powers and parading issues.
Sinn Féin insisted that there be discussions on all of the outstanding aspects of the Good Friday and St. Andrew’s agreements, including Acht na Gaeilge.
Sinn Fein mapped out for the two governments their obligations on Acht na Gaeilge and exactly what they could do about it.
The St. Andrews agreement is an international agreement between the two governments.
Both governments are guarantors. Under existing legislation the British government can compel the DCAL Minister to act as required to fulfil the British government’s commitment on Acht na Gaeilge. Failure to do so would place the British clearly in default. Incredibility when Sinn Féin highlighted this some Irish government officials responded by suggesting that St. Andrews is not really an international agreement in the real sense.
If you check the statements of the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister when they came to Hillsborough there is no mention of Irish language rights whatsoever.
Similarly in their statement released by them when they left the talks two nights and three days later there is no mention of the Irish language.
The Taoiseach did raise this issue eventually but that was only after Martin McGuinness and I had a blazing row with him and Gordon Brown.
The DUP obviously didn’t want to deal with these matters at all but they certainly know that important issues like this are not going to go away. They know that it is only a matter of time before an Acht na Gaeilge becomes a reality.
Of course, this is not a matter of coercing or forcing unionism to embrace Irish language rights. Gaeilgeoirí do have a big job to win support for these matters and to persuade others that this issue needs to be depoliticised and that the gift of an indigenous language is a national treasure and the heritage of all who live on this island, no matter about political or other allegiances.
At the same time Irish language rights cannot be withheld or reduced at the whim of any political party. Equality is equality is equality.
This Blog is fully committed to working with the Minister for Culture, Arts and Leisure, Nelson McCausland. I am pleased to reveal that he has committed to bringing forward a draft strategy to the Executive to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language.
This commitment came on Wednesday February 10th in a reply to a written question from me in which I asked the DCAL Minister when he will bring forward a strategy on the Irish language.
In his answer he said:
“Since coming into office at the beginning of July 2009, I have given special attention to the development of a minority languages strategy.
It is my intention to bring forward a draft strategy to the Executive by the end of March which can go out to consultation.
One strand of this strategy will be to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language as set out in Section 28D of the Northern Ireland (St. Andrews) Act 2006.
The preparation of this draft Minority Languages Strategy will require engagement with, and commitments from, a number of other Northern Ireland departments – especially in relation to education – and from the United Kingdom government in relation to broadcasting.”
It can be taken as fact that the draft language strategy will not be what is required. But until it is Gaeilgeoirí have a duty to work positively and in good faith to bring about the necessary changes.
So too with those issues that are the responsibility of the British government. Martin McGuinness and other republican Ministers on the Executive have engaged at the British-Irish conference on this issue and with the Scottish Executive. I have engaged with Paul Murphy, the Welsh Secretary of State and Martin and I have talked at length with Gordon Brown on Irish language issues. We will continue all these discussions with the two governments and the Welsh and Scottish Assemblies. Bairbre de Brún MEP will also continue with her work in the European Parliament.
Our position in relation to the British government is straight forward.
The 1737 Act must go.
The British government, as part of the agreement at St. Andrews, undertook to introduce an Irish Language Act reflecting on the experience of Wales and Ireland and to work with the incoming Executive to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language. Sinn Féin has continued to hold the British government to that commitment.
It was our negotiating team which won this in the first instance and we have no intention of giving up on it.
At Hillsborough we agreed with the DUP to set up a working group to deal with outstanding elements of the St. Andrews agreement. The First and Deputy First Minister will provide a report to the Executive by the end of February detailing the level of progress made on each outstanding matter. This includes the Irish language.
They will also seek Executive approval to set up a Working Group to recommend on how progress could be made on those matters which have not been acted upon. Within four weeks of the Working Group’s initial report the First and Deputy First Minister will agree a programme to effect completion of the agreed conclusions of the Working Group.
Martin McGuinness has also raised Irish language issues directly with Peter Robinson.
In the meantime Sinn Féin Ministers will continue to support and introduce gaeilge-friendly policies in their departments, including bi-lingual services and signage, and the DUP is in no doubt about the need also for the Executive to deliver for everyone, including Gaeilgeoirí.
The Minister of Education Caitriona Ruane is doing pioneering work in respect of Irish medium education. An Ghaelscolaíocht has been put on a more secure footing across the north as it continues to expand and develop. At a time of falling enrolments and school closures across the education sector parents in increasing numbers are choosing Irish language schooling for their children. There are now 23 freestanding schools, 12 units and plans to develop more schools and nurseries over the next 18 months. Millions of pounds of funding and capital investment has been secured for the sector.
Our activists will continue with the work of winning support for the gaelicisation of communities, including An Cheathrú Gaeltachta in Belfast.
The work of our Irish language Cumainn will get support from the party leadership, as will initiatives like – Glór na Poblachta - our own Irish language magazine available from Sinn Féin shops and An Ceathrú Póilí. Or contact Niall Ó Donnghaile in our press office.
So, the Irish language cause is being actively pursued on a number of fronts by Sinn Féin.
This Blog has also been busy lobbying the British Prime Minister on the need to continue resources for building the Irish language infrastructure and the arts.
I am pleased to be able to reveal that Gordon Brown has committed the British government to carry on funding the Irish Language Broadcasting Fund for a further four years after 2011, and will provide resource to continue the development of Irish language infrastructure. The resource, including the extended funding for the Broadcast Fund will amount to £20 million.
Given that this is not coming out of the Executive budget this is a welcome development.
So, the work goes on.
But it’s bigger than Sinn Féin. We cannot change society on our own. But we can and do work with others. Our party wants to be used as a resource by those who want to create a bi-lingual society. This has to include services that ensure cradle to the grave opportunities to live through the medium of Irish, if that is your choice.
There is plenty of room for everyone in this endeavour.
It should truly be a national effort. Bígí linn.
Sinn Féin is serious about the Irish language. Even our political opponents acknowledge this. That means on a day to day basis that in councils across Ireland, in Teach Laighean, in the Assembly and in the European Parliament we are doing our best by the language.
Sinn Féin has fought, marched, argued and cajoled for the rights of Irish speakers. We have spent hours and hours with both governments and the unionists explaining why we believe that those who wish to live their lives through the medium of Irish should be free to do so unencumbered by legislation dating back to the Penal Laws or prejudices imposed by outdated notions of colonial superiority.
We have pointed out that this is a serious life-choice and it cries out for the same recognition and protection under law as any other section of Irish society.
What will make the defining difference in our society will be an increase in the numbers of people who choose to live their lives through the medium of Irish. Those who speak Irish (especially to their children) in their homes, at work and socially, who send their children to Gaelscoileanna and hopefully in the future, third level institutions, will change this society and make it truly bilingual.
In the meantime Sinn Féin will continue to fight for rights for Irish speakers today and everyday because it is the right thing to do. What do Irish language rights mean?
It means that Irish speakers are entitled to exactly the same rights as English speakers. It means Acht na Gaeilge. But Acht na Gaeilge is not the be all and end all of Irish language campaigning. It is a reasonable, necessary and modest legal entitlement. In this Blogs opinion it will be secured.
But all the progress to date and the wonderful renaissance and flowering of Irish has been achieved without an Acht na Gaeilge. That work is to the credit of activists, teachers, parents, and Gaeilgeoirí right across the spectrum.
That work must continue. We – by we I mean the Irish language community - will have victories but we will also have setbacks; that is the nature of struggle.
I and others in the Sinn Féin leadership have done important work with Éamon Ó Cuív, the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, and Micheal Martin the Minister for Foreign Affairs and we will continue to explore ways to get Irish government support for Irish language development across the island but particularly in the north.
Both of these Ministers are committed Gaeilgeoirí. So is the Taoiseach.
That is why the government’s initial reticence about advancing the Irish language agenda at the Hillsborough talks was so exasperating.
Sinn Féin put Acht na Gaeilge and an Irish language strategy and the 1737 Administration of Justice Act, which bans the use of Irish in the courts, on the agenda. The British government resisted this. Presumably for fear of alienating the unionists or in a tactical decision to focus only on the transfer of policing and justice powers and parading issues.
Sinn Féin insisted that there be discussions on all of the outstanding aspects of the Good Friday and St. Andrew’s agreements, including Acht na Gaeilge.
Sinn Fein mapped out for the two governments their obligations on Acht na Gaeilge and exactly what they could do about it.
The St. Andrews agreement is an international agreement between the two governments.
Both governments are guarantors. Under existing legislation the British government can compel the DCAL Minister to act as required to fulfil the British government’s commitment on Acht na Gaeilge. Failure to do so would place the British clearly in default. Incredibility when Sinn Féin highlighted this some Irish government officials responded by suggesting that St. Andrews is not really an international agreement in the real sense.
If you check the statements of the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister when they came to Hillsborough there is no mention of Irish language rights whatsoever.
Similarly in their statement released by them when they left the talks two nights and three days later there is no mention of the Irish language.
The Taoiseach did raise this issue eventually but that was only after Martin McGuinness and I had a blazing row with him and Gordon Brown.
The DUP obviously didn’t want to deal with these matters at all but they certainly know that important issues like this are not going to go away. They know that it is only a matter of time before an Acht na Gaeilge becomes a reality.
Of course, this is not a matter of coercing or forcing unionism to embrace Irish language rights. Gaeilgeoirí do have a big job to win support for these matters and to persuade others that this issue needs to be depoliticised and that the gift of an indigenous language is a national treasure and the heritage of all who live on this island, no matter about political or other allegiances.
At the same time Irish language rights cannot be withheld or reduced at the whim of any political party. Equality is equality is equality.
This Blog is fully committed to working with the Minister for Culture, Arts and Leisure, Nelson McCausland. I am pleased to reveal that he has committed to bringing forward a draft strategy to the Executive to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language.
This commitment came on Wednesday February 10th in a reply to a written question from me in which I asked the DCAL Minister when he will bring forward a strategy on the Irish language.
In his answer he said:
“Since coming into office at the beginning of July 2009, I have given special attention to the development of a minority languages strategy.
It is my intention to bring forward a draft strategy to the Executive by the end of March which can go out to consultation.
One strand of this strategy will be to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language as set out in Section 28D of the Northern Ireland (St. Andrews) Act 2006.
The preparation of this draft Minority Languages Strategy will require engagement with, and commitments from, a number of other Northern Ireland departments – especially in relation to education – and from the United Kingdom government in relation to broadcasting.”
It can be taken as fact that the draft language strategy will not be what is required. But until it is Gaeilgeoirí have a duty to work positively and in good faith to bring about the necessary changes.
So too with those issues that are the responsibility of the British government. Martin McGuinness and other republican Ministers on the Executive have engaged at the British-Irish conference on this issue and with the Scottish Executive. I have engaged with Paul Murphy, the Welsh Secretary of State and Martin and I have talked at length with Gordon Brown on Irish language issues. We will continue all these discussions with the two governments and the Welsh and Scottish Assemblies. Bairbre de Brún MEP will also continue with her work in the European Parliament.
Our position in relation to the British government is straight forward.
The 1737 Act must go.
The British government, as part of the agreement at St. Andrews, undertook to introduce an Irish Language Act reflecting on the experience of Wales and Ireland and to work with the incoming Executive to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language. Sinn Féin has continued to hold the British government to that commitment.
It was our negotiating team which won this in the first instance and we have no intention of giving up on it.
At Hillsborough we agreed with the DUP to set up a working group to deal with outstanding elements of the St. Andrews agreement. The First and Deputy First Minister will provide a report to the Executive by the end of February detailing the level of progress made on each outstanding matter. This includes the Irish language.
They will also seek Executive approval to set up a Working Group to recommend on how progress could be made on those matters which have not been acted upon. Within four weeks of the Working Group’s initial report the First and Deputy First Minister will agree a programme to effect completion of the agreed conclusions of the Working Group.
Martin McGuinness has also raised Irish language issues directly with Peter Robinson.
In the meantime Sinn Féin Ministers will continue to support and introduce gaeilge-friendly policies in their departments, including bi-lingual services and signage, and the DUP is in no doubt about the need also for the Executive to deliver for everyone, including Gaeilgeoirí.
The Minister of Education Caitriona Ruane is doing pioneering work in respect of Irish medium education. An Ghaelscolaíocht has been put on a more secure footing across the north as it continues to expand and develop. At a time of falling enrolments and school closures across the education sector parents in increasing numbers are choosing Irish language schooling for their children. There are now 23 freestanding schools, 12 units and plans to develop more schools and nurseries over the next 18 months. Millions of pounds of funding and capital investment has been secured for the sector.
Our activists will continue with the work of winning support for the gaelicisation of communities, including An Cheathrú Gaeltachta in Belfast.
The work of our Irish language Cumainn will get support from the party leadership, as will initiatives like – Glór na Poblachta - our own Irish language magazine available from Sinn Féin shops and An Ceathrú Póilí. Or contact Niall Ó Donnghaile in our press office.
So, the Irish language cause is being actively pursued on a number of fronts by Sinn Féin.
This Blog has also been busy lobbying the British Prime Minister on the need to continue resources for building the Irish language infrastructure and the arts.
I am pleased to be able to reveal that Gordon Brown has committed the British government to carry on funding the Irish Language Broadcasting Fund for a further four years after 2011, and will provide resource to continue the development of Irish language infrastructure. The resource, including the extended funding for the Broadcast Fund will amount to £20 million.
Given that this is not coming out of the Executive budget this is a welcome development.
So, the work goes on.
But it’s bigger than Sinn Féin. We cannot change society on our own. But we can and do work with others. Our party wants to be used as a resource by those who want to create a bi-lingual society. This has to include services that ensure cradle to the grave opportunities to live through the medium of Irish, if that is your choice.
There is plenty of room for everyone in this endeavour.
It should truly be a national effort. Bígí linn.
Thursday, February 11, 2010
Our march to freedom is irreversible
Feb 11th 10
“Our struggle has reached a decisive moment. We call on our people to seize this moment so that the process towards democracy is rapid and uninterrupted. We have waited too long for our freedom. We can no longer wait… Our march to freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear to stand in our way.”
These are some of the historic words Nelson Mandela spoke to a jubilant crowd of tens of thousands in his first public address to the people of South Africa, and of the world, in Cape Town several hours after his release from prison.
20 years ago today Madiba stepped out of Victor-Verster prison in Paarl. Like millions of others around the world this Blog watched his long walk away from those gates with his wife Winnie. It was a hugely emotional moment as the two walked hand in hand through throngs of people cheering and clapping his release after 27 years of imprisonment. This Blog sat alone, weeping and applauding and cheering with pride and delight.
And several hours later when Mandela stood on the balcony of Cape Town’s City Hall he set out his objectives clearly – freedom and democracy and “to unite the people of our country.”
It was a great moment for the people of South Africa and for freedom loving people everywhere. The dawn of a new era for a country carved out by violence from that part of Africa by European colonial powers. A country where a white minority had taken absolute political power over the majority.
The years of apartheid were horrific. The oppression and discrimination and violence of the state resulted in decades of conflict, misery, and poverty for the vast majority of South Africa’s citizens.
The struggle of the ANC and of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK – Spear of the Nation), along with the international anti-apartheid campaign had finally brought the National Party to the negotiation table. But Madiba and the ANC knew that they were simply entering another phase of struggle.
Later when I visited South Africa for the first time in 1995, the year after Madiba was elected President, I spoke and listened at length to many in the ANC leadership, as well some in the National Party and on the right wing. The National Party people freely admitted that they had not seen the release of Mandela as the beginning of a handover of power to the majority.
They thought that the ANC would be too divided, its leadership too indisciplined, to effectively negotiate. They envisioned a process that would take decades. And that was one of many mistakes they made. They underestimated the ability of Madiba and Cyril Ramaphosa and Joe Slovo and countless others in the ANC leadership and within a few short years Madiba was President of a free South Africa.
Of all the political leaderships I had met up to then and since, never have I met a group as cohesive, articulate and far-seeing as those in that ANC leadership.
This Blog has had the great fortune to meet Madiba many times in the two decades since his release. Sometimes in South Africa, occasionally in London, and once in Dublin when he attended the Special Olympics.
On that first visit in June 1995 the British Government and sections of its media were outraged that he would meet with a delegation of Shinners. When it became clear that Madiba would not be swayed and intended to meet us privately and at a press conference, they demanded that there should be no handshake!
Consequently, when we met him in his outer office at the ANC headquarters at Shell House in Jo’burg, Madiba’s face lit up and as we shook hands he grinned mischievously, “Ah, comrade Gerry, I’ll not wash my hand for a week.”
That day we spent several hours talking to him. He recalled how on a visit to Ireland three years earlier and at a time when the British were secretly talking to republicans, he had called for talks between the British and Irish republicans and how sections of the British and Irish media had condemned him for this.
He came to Ireland that time to receive the honour of the freedom of Dublin City. Our Gearoid and I travelled to be there. The Irish soccer team was coming home that day as well and Dublin Airport was thronged with fans. When Mandela appeared at the terminus he was greeted with loud and prolonged appaluse and the chant:
‘Oh ah Paul McGrath’s Da,
Oh ah Paul McGrath’s Da’.
I’m sure Madiba enjoyed the fun in that.
In all my conversations with him I have found him good humoured, relaxed, warm and deeply interested in events in Ireland. He is one of my heroes.I believe him to be the greatest political leader of our times.
Tuesday, February 9, 2010
The SDLP - Searching for Role
Feb 9th 10
Sometime when I get a chance this Blog intends to have a look at the SDLP and its role in politics on this island. For now on a sunny Tuesday afternoon such an enterprise is beyond me. It is suffice to say that the SDLP is a party in search of a role.
The weekend saw Mark Durkan retiring as party leader. I wish him and his family well. If he gets elected at the next Westminster election he has signaled his intention to retire from Irish politics. There is no other explanation for his announcement that he intends to work only as an MP. In other words Mark has made a career choice.
The political trajectory here is increasingly about moving all decisions and decision making process effecting this island, onto the island – and away from politicians in Britain.
Mark is opting out of this. Unless of course he fails to retain the Foyle Westminster seat. Whereupon it is clearly his intention to retain his Assembly seat.
Such inconsistencies are nothing new. Some time ago the SDLP signaled its intention to join Fianna Fáil. In effect that means winding up and disbanding the SDLP. Not everybody in the party appears to have been consulted. Some stated as their preference a merger with the Irish Labour Party. And so it went. To and fro.
Now the SDLP has a new leader. In a narrow contest in which the party divided almost even-stevens Margaret Ritchie was elected to lead. I wish her well. The Captain of the Titanic had an easier job.
In her first public remarks after her election as party leader Margaret made it clear that the SDLP’s main opponents, as opposed to electoral rivals, are Sinn Féin. Many people will be disappointed that she didn’t see the British government or indeed the unionist parties in this light.
So, this is the context post the agreement at Hillsborough in which the SDLP’s attacks on Sinn Féin’s efforts to advance the rights of citizens should be seen. It is entirely self centred, party political and opportunistic.
The fact is that Sinn Féin has made a temporary arrangement with the DUP until 2012 to ensure that the legislative Assembly can legislate on policing and justice issues. As part of this we have set aside Sinn Féin’s rightful claim to the Justice Ministry in return for the DUP doing the same.
The SDLP are now saying that they want d’Hondt to be run. The fact is that if this were done the SDLP would hand the Justice Ministry to the DUP.
When Mark Durkan was SDLP leader he said that he wanted d’Hondt run across all parties. Margaret Ritchie appears to have a different position.
If Sinn Féin had listened to the SDLP there would be no agreement on the transfer of powers on policing and justice and these powers would have remained under the control of an unaccountable British Minister.
Sinn Féin’s focus has been on ensuring that the transfer of powers takes place as early as possible and on terms acceptable to the broad community.
Our goal was to get justice and policing powers shifted out of London and into the hands of locally elected politicians accountable to citizens here.
The SDLP voted in the Assembly for interim arrangements. Having voted for these what are they complaining about?
The interim arrangements have been agreed until 2012.
They require cross community support.
This is the best means by which we can ensure the widest possible community support. Sinn Féin is prepared to vote for an SDLP nominee.
The agreement at Hillsborough has set April 12th as the date for the transfer of powers. This is a considerable achievement.
If it had been left to the SDLP it would never have happened.
Sometime when I get a chance this Blog intends to have a look at the SDLP and its role in politics on this island. For now on a sunny Tuesday afternoon such an enterprise is beyond me. It is suffice to say that the SDLP is a party in search of a role.
The weekend saw Mark Durkan retiring as party leader. I wish him and his family well. If he gets elected at the next Westminster election he has signaled his intention to retire from Irish politics. There is no other explanation for his announcement that he intends to work only as an MP. In other words Mark has made a career choice.
The political trajectory here is increasingly about moving all decisions and decision making process effecting this island, onto the island – and away from politicians in Britain.
Mark is opting out of this. Unless of course he fails to retain the Foyle Westminster seat. Whereupon it is clearly his intention to retain his Assembly seat.
Such inconsistencies are nothing new. Some time ago the SDLP signaled its intention to join Fianna Fáil. In effect that means winding up and disbanding the SDLP. Not everybody in the party appears to have been consulted. Some stated as their preference a merger with the Irish Labour Party. And so it went. To and fro.
Now the SDLP has a new leader. In a narrow contest in which the party divided almost even-stevens Margaret Ritchie was elected to lead. I wish her well. The Captain of the Titanic had an easier job.
In her first public remarks after her election as party leader Margaret made it clear that the SDLP’s main opponents, as opposed to electoral rivals, are Sinn Féin. Many people will be disappointed that she didn’t see the British government or indeed the unionist parties in this light.
So, this is the context post the agreement at Hillsborough in which the SDLP’s attacks on Sinn Féin’s efforts to advance the rights of citizens should be seen. It is entirely self centred, party political and opportunistic.
The fact is that Sinn Féin has made a temporary arrangement with the DUP until 2012 to ensure that the legislative Assembly can legislate on policing and justice issues. As part of this we have set aside Sinn Féin’s rightful claim to the Justice Ministry in return for the DUP doing the same.
The SDLP are now saying that they want d’Hondt to be run. The fact is that if this were done the SDLP would hand the Justice Ministry to the DUP.
When Mark Durkan was SDLP leader he said that he wanted d’Hondt run across all parties. Margaret Ritchie appears to have a different position.
If Sinn Féin had listened to the SDLP there would be no agreement on the transfer of powers on policing and justice and these powers would have remained under the control of an unaccountable British Minister.
Sinn Féin’s focus has been on ensuring that the transfer of powers takes place as early as possible and on terms acceptable to the broad community.
Our goal was to get justice and policing powers shifted out of London and into the hands of locally elected politicians accountable to citizens here.
The SDLP voted in the Assembly for interim arrangements. Having voted for these what are they complaining about?
The interim arrangements have been agreed until 2012.
They require cross community support.
This is the best means by which we can ensure the widest possible community support. Sinn Féin is prepared to vote for an SDLP nominee.
The agreement at Hillsborough has set April 12th as the date for the transfer of powers. This is a considerable achievement.
If it had been left to the SDLP it would never have happened.
Saturday, February 6, 2010
Better late than never
Feb 7th 10
This Blog watched as Martin McGuinness and Peter Robinson joined the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister to set out the final piece of the jig-saw which saw agreement between Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party on the transfer of policing and justice powers and other outstanding matters arising from the Good Friday and St. Andrews agreements. It was another good Friday in the peace process.
Many had thought it wouldn’t, couldn’t happen. That the respective positions of the Shinners and the DUP were too far apart. But it did and it was achieved primarily as a result of very intense discussions between the two parties.
This was a hugely important, as well as symbolic moment. The DUP rejected the Good Friday Agreement. They have an a la carte attitude to the St. Andrews Agreement. But this agreement at Hillsborough Castle is a different creature. It is theirs. And ours. And hopefully before long the other parties will come on board. This marks a new phase in the process.
The Agreement that has now been reached will see the transfer of powers on policing and justice in April. By the end of the year there will also be the transfer of powers from London to Belfast to deal with the issue of parades.
Key to this is agreeing a framework that provides for local solutions, respects the rights of those who want to parade but also the rights of those who live in those areas into which marchers wish to go. It is based on dialogue and on seeking to improve the adjudicating framework for contentious parades. No one should feel nervous about any of this. This agreement, like the Good Friday Agreement before it, asserts the right of everyone to live free from sectarian harassment. In the interim the Parades Commission will continue.
Agreement has also been reached on a process to progress the outstanding issues arising from the St. Andrews Agreement and this clearly includes the rights of Irish language speakers.
It was the Shinners who put Acht na Gaeilge on the table at St Andrews and this Blog is confident that the rights of Irish language speakers will be advanced in the time ahead. This Blog would have liked more progress on language rights. That’s one of the reasons I called the agreement a staging post.
There should be a draft strategy on the Irish language before long. The focus then will be to make this viable; with clear objectives and timeframes, and the inclusive involvement of Gaeilgeoirí to figger all this out. There is also more work to be done by the two governments in tandem with the Executive fulfilling its responsibilities to uphold the rights of those of us who wish to live our lives through our own language.
The Agreement at Hillsborough also agreed a process for clearing the backlog of Executive papers and decisions which are still pending, and advancing the all-Ireland aspects of the St. Andrews Agreement, including an inter-parliamentary forum and the consultative forum.
It is detailed and timeframed agreement.
Of course, there will be some who will rail against it. The naysayers and begrudgers will study the detail of the agreement seeking points of criticism. But they are the minority. The vast majority of people in the north and on this island want this process to work. Public opinion in recent weeks has overwhelmingly favoured a deal.
So, another agreement has been achieved and new and important progress has been made in consolidating the political institutions.
The judgement on our success however will be in whether the political process and the institutions deliver for citizens.
As the parties negotiated last week hundreds more job losses were announced in Belfast and Monkstown, in County Antrim. The numbers of those unemployed is rising; families are finding it increasingly difficult to pay mortgages and make ends meet. There are increasing numbers of our children living in poverty, while our elderly make life and death choices about heating their homes or buying food.
The reality is that for two years the Executive and the Assembly have not been as effective as they should have been in developing strategies and policies to tackle these problems.
There is now a significant opportunity to change all of that. An opportunity to build a society based on respect, equality, partnership and fairness. Sinn Féin is an Irish republican party. As Martin McGuinness said yesterday we believe in a United Ireland. And in two weeks time on Saturday 20th February we will be hosting a conference on Irish Unity in TUC Congress House in London to discuss and debate this very issue.
But that doesn’t mean that Irish republicans and Unionists cannot work together in the interests of those we represent. We can and Sinn Féin is determined to make positive use of the opportunity that now exists to do that.
Note:
Putting Irish Unity on the Agenda
A Conference to open the debate will take place on Saturday 20 February in TUC Congress Houses of Parliament Visit: www.londonirishunityconference.org
And Finally …
Good luck to our senior footballers who play Sligo tomorrow – Sunday.
Thursday, February 4, 2010
MADE IN ULSTER?
Feb 3rd 10
It's 1 o'clock on Wednesday morning. At Hillsborough. Sinn Féin has just concluded our discussions with the DUP.
A week is a long time in politics. This week, and a wee bit more, has been a long time coming. Last year Martin McGuinness pointed out what no one in high places in London and Dublin would acknowledge publicly or tackle privately. That is that the political institutions were not sustainable in the longer term because they were not functioning on the basis of equality and partnership. In particular he said that the refusal to agree the transfer of policing and justice powers by Christmas would mean that they would not be transferred before the Westminster elections.
This Blog told the British Secretary of State over twelve months ago that the political process was heading into huge difficulties not least because he had not discouraged the notion that pre conditions could be introduced into the transfer or devolution issue. In fact the NIO had actively encouraged that notion. Last Autumn Martin once again privately exhorted both governments to be more actively involved in upholding the Saint Andrew’s Agreement and just before Christmas and during the big freeze he made the long journey to the Taoiseach’s home town in Tullamore to ask him to engage directly with Gordon Brown.
Our strong view was that the governments were in default of their obligations as guarantors of the Good Friday and the Saint Andrew’s Agreements. London and Dublin are not facilitators. Their function is not to ‘close the gap between the parties’. Their duty is to uphold the agreements and to hold the parties to what they had signed up to. They could hardly do that when they were not upholding the agreements themselves.
We knew that the governments would intervene at some point if the problems were not resolved. But we were not prepared to have them intervene on terms set by London or by the NIO acting in what they perceived to be the best interests of the unionists.
We decided that we would not travel to Downing Street if we were invited there as the crisis deepened. We also decided that our engagement would be guided by whether the modalities for talks and the agendas would be about assisting the necessary work of implementing the Agreements and resolving outstanding issues.
So it came to be. Directly after the recent Sinn Fein Ard Chomhairle meeting Martin was invited to Downing Street. He said no. Despite a number of direct appeals by Brian Cowen and Gordon Brown we made it clear that Sinn Féin was not for travelling. The governments needed to talk to those who were in default. Sinn Féin needed to be satisfied that talks would be meaningful, and about upholding the rights of citizens without preconditions.
We continued with that very reasonable position when the Taoiseach and the Prime Minster arrived at Hillsborough. Sinn Féin is used to negotiations being us against the rest. Unionism has the British government to negotiate for them even though the DUP probably distrust the Brits even more than the rest of us. We took steps to compensate for this. The consequences are too serious to allow a bad deal or no deal. Our objective was to succeed. Failure was not an option.
As Sammy Wilson put it we needed a deal ‘Made in Ulster’. The citizens of Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan, will be pleased about that. But such a deal could only be accomplished by the leaders of unionism working genuinely to secure a new beginning which would see the proper functioning of joined up government based on equality and citizens rights.
So Sinn Féin refused to let the governments facilitate talks or create the agenda for talks between us and the DUP. We needed to do that ourselves.
Most of Sinn Féin’s 120 hours, last week, plus more this week, of negotiations were about keeping the NIO from messing things up, about neutralising unhelpful interventions from the governments, getting rid of pre conditions and creating the space for positive discussions between ourselves and the DUP. The mood at these engagements depended on who was there.
Eventually we settled into focussed talks with the DUP leaders and proceeded to deal with issues of importance to each other in a constructive way. This shows what is possible. That was last week and Monday morning of this week. Then Peter Robinson brought the outcome of those discussions to his Assembly group and recommended that they accept what he agreed with us. It was put to a vote which he won by 22 to 14. There then followed what appears to have been a very heated debate.
Martin McGuinness and I brought the same proposals to our group. We were to meet Peter Robinson when his group meeting was finished but he headed off to talk to the British. There was then a real concern that there would be an attempt to re-negotiate what had been agreed. We ruled that out.
It is obvious that Peter has to go back to his Assembly group. We have just concluded our discussions with them.
Martin McGuinness has impressed everyone with his leadership, patience and courage. I have no doubt that Peter Robinson will win the support of his group. Of course I could be wrong. He who hesitates is lost and all that. But let us be clear about this. At the first meeting a majority of the group supported him. Of course he has the right to manage his own party and he obviously needed a wee bit of space to do that. But once they come across the line everyone must move forward on the basis agreed at Hillsborough. The leaders who do this deserve our support.
I have spent a lot of time here in Hillsborough this last ten years or so. David Trimble and I used to meet here privately for one to one discussions. Hillsborough is where we first shook hands. Mo Mowlam and I used to walk the grounds regularly as we discussed pressing issues. The staff in this place are very welcoming and professional, even when scores of politicians descend on them for days and nights on end without much notice.
There have been no political parties here this last few days or nights, except us, the DUP and the 2 Governments. The deprivations of this last week or so and all the other inconveniences like sleeping on the floor, which accompany such negotiations, are a small price to pay for getting it right.
Well done to everyone involved. No one should think that everything is going to be perfectly hunky dory from here on if the DUP sign up to this agreement. On the contrary the process of change will continue to challenge everyone. It is also a journey. This week’s work has prepared the ground for the next phase.
It is all about advancing the rights of citizens. That is a continuous process. This agreement is a staging post. Monday was Lá Feile Bríd- Saint Brigid’s Day. The Celts saw it as the first day of spring, a new season of promise and growth.
Let’s hope they were right. Let’s face into all of this with confidence in ourselves and in the future.
It's 1 o'clock on Wednesday morning. At Hillsborough. Sinn Féin has just concluded our discussions with the DUP.
A week is a long time in politics. This week, and a wee bit more, has been a long time coming. Last year Martin McGuinness pointed out what no one in high places in London and Dublin would acknowledge publicly or tackle privately. That is that the political institutions were not sustainable in the longer term because they were not functioning on the basis of equality and partnership. In particular he said that the refusal to agree the transfer of policing and justice powers by Christmas would mean that they would not be transferred before the Westminster elections.
This Blog told the British Secretary of State over twelve months ago that the political process was heading into huge difficulties not least because he had not discouraged the notion that pre conditions could be introduced into the transfer or devolution issue. In fact the NIO had actively encouraged that notion. Last Autumn Martin once again privately exhorted both governments to be more actively involved in upholding the Saint Andrew’s Agreement and just before Christmas and during the big freeze he made the long journey to the Taoiseach’s home town in Tullamore to ask him to engage directly with Gordon Brown.
Our strong view was that the governments were in default of their obligations as guarantors of the Good Friday and the Saint Andrew’s Agreements. London and Dublin are not facilitators. Their function is not to ‘close the gap between the parties’. Their duty is to uphold the agreements and to hold the parties to what they had signed up to. They could hardly do that when they were not upholding the agreements themselves.
We knew that the governments would intervene at some point if the problems were not resolved. But we were not prepared to have them intervene on terms set by London or by the NIO acting in what they perceived to be the best interests of the unionists.
We decided that we would not travel to Downing Street if we were invited there as the crisis deepened. We also decided that our engagement would be guided by whether the modalities for talks and the agendas would be about assisting the necessary work of implementing the Agreements and resolving outstanding issues.
So it came to be. Directly after the recent Sinn Fein Ard Chomhairle meeting Martin was invited to Downing Street. He said no. Despite a number of direct appeals by Brian Cowen and Gordon Brown we made it clear that Sinn Féin was not for travelling. The governments needed to talk to those who were in default. Sinn Féin needed to be satisfied that talks would be meaningful, and about upholding the rights of citizens without preconditions.
We continued with that very reasonable position when the Taoiseach and the Prime Minster arrived at Hillsborough. Sinn Féin is used to negotiations being us against the rest. Unionism has the British government to negotiate for them even though the DUP probably distrust the Brits even more than the rest of us. We took steps to compensate for this. The consequences are too serious to allow a bad deal or no deal. Our objective was to succeed. Failure was not an option.
As Sammy Wilson put it we needed a deal ‘Made in Ulster’. The citizens of Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan, will be pleased about that. But such a deal could only be accomplished by the leaders of unionism working genuinely to secure a new beginning which would see the proper functioning of joined up government based on equality and citizens rights.
So Sinn Féin refused to let the governments facilitate talks or create the agenda for talks between us and the DUP. We needed to do that ourselves.
Most of Sinn Féin’s 120 hours, last week, plus more this week, of negotiations were about keeping the NIO from messing things up, about neutralising unhelpful interventions from the governments, getting rid of pre conditions and creating the space for positive discussions between ourselves and the DUP. The mood at these engagements depended on who was there.
Eventually we settled into focussed talks with the DUP leaders and proceeded to deal with issues of importance to each other in a constructive way. This shows what is possible. That was last week and Monday morning of this week. Then Peter Robinson brought the outcome of those discussions to his Assembly group and recommended that they accept what he agreed with us. It was put to a vote which he won by 22 to 14. There then followed what appears to have been a very heated debate.
Martin McGuinness and I brought the same proposals to our group. We were to meet Peter Robinson when his group meeting was finished but he headed off to talk to the British. There was then a real concern that there would be an attempt to re-negotiate what had been agreed. We ruled that out.
It is obvious that Peter has to go back to his Assembly group. We have just concluded our discussions with them.
Martin McGuinness has impressed everyone with his leadership, patience and courage. I have no doubt that Peter Robinson will win the support of his group. Of course I could be wrong. He who hesitates is lost and all that. But let us be clear about this. At the first meeting a majority of the group supported him. Of course he has the right to manage his own party and he obviously needed a wee bit of space to do that. But once they come across the line everyone must move forward on the basis agreed at Hillsborough. The leaders who do this deserve our support.
I have spent a lot of time here in Hillsborough this last ten years or so. David Trimble and I used to meet here privately for one to one discussions. Hillsborough is where we first shook hands. Mo Mowlam and I used to walk the grounds regularly as we discussed pressing issues. The staff in this place are very welcoming and professional, even when scores of politicians descend on them for days and nights on end without much notice.
There have been no political parties here this last few days or nights, except us, the DUP and the 2 Governments. The deprivations of this last week or so and all the other inconveniences like sleeping on the floor, which accompany such negotiations, are a small price to pay for getting it right.
Well done to everyone involved. No one should think that everything is going to be perfectly hunky dory from here on if the DUP sign up to this agreement. On the contrary the process of change will continue to challenge everyone. It is also a journey. This week’s work has prepared the ground for the next phase.
It is all about advancing the rights of citizens. That is a continuous process. This agreement is a staging post. Monday was Lá Feile Bríd- Saint Brigid’s Day. The Celts saw it as the first day of spring, a new season of promise and growth.
Let’s hope they were right. Let’s face into all of this with confidence in ourselves and in the future.
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