Sunday, January 31, 2010

A Tribute to Rosgoill Gaeltacht and Bunscoil Phobail Feirste

January 31st 10


This Blog is on its way to Derry for the 38th Bloody Sunday march. I usually try to post a Blog on Friday or Saturday and again on a Monday or a Tuesday.

A week in Hillsborough wrapped in negotiaitons means I missed my Friday/Saturday slot.

I’ll post a Blog on Monday about all of that.

I also missed a celebration of 40 years of the Rosgoill Gaeltacht on the Shaws Road in west Belfast which was founded in 1969, and of Bunscoil Phobail Feirste which was set up in 1971, as the first ever Gaelscoil in the north of Ireland.

I was very disappointed not to be present in Parliament Buildings for this. I have long admired the determination and dedication of those who overcame enormous challenges to create the Rosgoill Gaeltacht and Bunscoil Phobail Feirste. We owe them a great debt of gratitude.

Although I was not present l am including in this Blog the remarks that I had intended to make to those attending the event.

A dhaoine uaisle, ba mhaith liom fáilte mhór a chur romhaibh go léir.

Tá bród mór orm bheith páirteach san ócáid speisialta seo.

Tá sé socraithe agam chun buíochas agus moladh a thabairt daoibh don dian-obair atá déanta agaibh.

Nuair a bhí Caitriona ‘s mé féin ag Bunscoil Phobail Feirste an samhradh seo caite, bhí ceiliúradh iontach sa scoil.

Phléigh muid ag an am sin, go dtiocfadh linn an oíche seo a shocrú. Agus anocht, tá muid le chéile arís.

Mar atá a fhois agaibh, bunaíodh an Ghaeltacht i Rosgoill i ’69 (“sa bhliain Seasca a Naoi”) agus bhunaigh muintir na háite Bunscoil Phobal Feirste i 1971, an chéad Ghaelscoil riamh i dtuaisceart na hÉireann.

Nuair a thosaigh siad amach, bhí naonúr ag freastal ar an scoil.

Anois tá trí chéad ar an scoil agus tá 9 scoil sa chathair agus fiche dó ar fud an tuaiscirt.

Tréimhse dheacair agus fuilteach a bhí ann ag an am, sa chathair seo, sa tír seo.

D’fhág na pograim 1969 go leor daoine marbh is na mílte gan títhe as léarscrois ar sráideanna na bhFál is Ard Eóin.

Tháinig pobal Bhóthar Seoighe chun tosaigh arís le páirt thábhachtach a imirt in átógáil Sráid Bombay; fianaise arís eile as an choimitmint a bhí acu don phobal i gcoitinne.

Ach níor lig an pobal sin do Rialtas na Breataine bac a chur roimh fhorbairt na Gaeilge ó thuaidh.

Lean siad ar aghaidh:
ceannródaithe ag feidhmiú ar ár son, ag neartú agus ag slánú na Gaeilge i gceantar beag in Iarthar Bhéal Feirste.

Bhí constaicí ollmhóra roimh fhorbairt Bhunscoil Phobail Feirste.

Dhiúltaigh an córas oideachas aitheantas ná áiseanna a chur ar fáil, agus bhagair siad sibhse a chur i bpríosúin.

Ach bhí díograis agus tiomantas nach beag ag lucht á bhunú. Bhí fuinneamh acu.

Bhí siad – sibhse sa seomra seo – bhí sibh daingean ar fás agus forbairt na Gaeltachta.

Dhiúltaigh sibh bheith imeaglaithe nó scanraithe.

Chomh luath is a cuireadh bac in bhur n-aghaidh, sháraigh sibh é.

Anois, tá Ceathrú Gaeltachta á tógáil in iarthar na cathrach, a bhuíochas leis an phobal seo.

Chomh maith leis sin, tá grúpaí Gaeilge, gnónna Gaeilge agus Gaelscoileanna ar fud na cathrach.

Tá siad ag cinntiú gur croí Gaelach na tíre é Béal Feirste go fóill – agus cluinimid inniu go bhfuil trófaí Ghlór na nGael ag teacht ar ais go Béal Feirste don darna huair taobh istigh de chúpla bliain.

Tá Sinn Féin bródúil as an ról a d’imir muid sa ghluaiseacht atá tógtha agaibhse.

Is mór agus is tábhachtach linn an gaol atá againn leis na grúpaí Gaeilge, go háirithe anseo i mBéal Feirste agus ar fud na Gaeltachta, áit a mbíonn dúshláin nua curtha os ár gcomhar achan lá.

Cuireann sé lúcháir nach beag orainn bheith ábalta le déanaí ról dearfach agus éifeachtach a imirt, trínár n-Aire Caitríona Ruane agus a cuid comhairleoirí, chun aitheantas agus áiseanna breise a thabhairt do scoileanna cosúil le Bunscoil Phobail Feirste agus Scoil an Droichid anuraidh.

Ag deireadh na bliana seo caite, d’éirigh linn stádas lán-aimseartha a bhaint amach do Naíscoil Bhreandáin.

Céimeanna beaga iad seo. Ach tá tábhacht ag baint le hachan chéim. Is léiriú é ar na hathruithe a thig linn a bhaint amach.

Is léiriú eile ar na hathruithe sin, an t-infheistiú san Áisionad lánGhaeilge agus cruthú áiteanna breise do mhúinteoirí Gaeilge i gColáiste Mhúire i gcroí-lár na Ceathrún Gaeltachta.

Mar is eol do na daoine atá cruinnithe anseo anocht, ní bhíonn sé furasta rudaí a athrú.

Is léir sin ón troid leanúnach le chomhlíonadh Acht Gaeilge a fháil.

Ar an drochuair tá daoine ann go fóill agus amharcann siad ar an Ghaeilge mar bagairt. Ní bagairt í do dhuine ar bith.

Is le gach duine ar an oileán seo an Ghaeilge. Is cuid dár ndúchas í. Is cuid dár n-oidhreacht agus dár n-áit coiteann.

Tá na dosaenacha naonraí agus gaelscoileanna fud fad an tuaiscirt.

De réir an daonáirimh deireanach tá 75,000 daoine sna sé chontae atá ábalta agus 167,000 daoine a bhfuil eolas éigin acu ar an Ghaeilge.

Idir 1991 agus 2001 d’ardaigh líon na gcainteoirí Gaeilge 18 faoin gcéad.

Is comhartha í an méid teaghlaigh atá ag cur a gcuid páistí ar ghaelscoileanna go bhfuil luach ar leith acu ar an Ghaeilge.

Creideann Sinn Féin sa seanfhocal, “Chan amháin saor, ach Gaelach chomh maith.”

An sort tíre a bhfuil muid ag troid ar a son, ‘sé sin Éire mar a shamhlaigh muintir Bhóthair Sheoighe í.

Ghlac siad an chéad céim le bunú na Gaeltachta seo: sochaí Gaelach, cultúrtha, nuálach, measúil agus ilchumasach a bheas ann.

Tá sé soiléir ón mhéid atá déanta le dhá scór bliain anuas, ó bunaíodh Gaeltacht Rosgoill agus Bunscoil Phobail Feirste gur tharla seo uilig mar gheall ar an obair a rinne na ceannródaithe.

Bhunaigh siad ranganna is d’fhorbair siad lonnaíochtaí Gaelacha agus chuir siad le líon na gcainteoirí de réir a chéile.


Tharla sé fosta mar gheall ar obair na múinteoirí agus na dtuismitheoirí, tharla sé mar gheall ar iarrachtaí na ndíograiseoirí agus na ngníomhaithe teanga.

Go raibh maith agaibh gach duine.

Leanaigi ar aghaidh leis an déa-oibair agus ádh mór oraibh uilig.’


Reception for Aontroim Ladies GAA



Aontroim Ladies GAA in Great Hall at Parliament Buildings

The previous Friday I did manage to get to a reception my office had organised to celebrate the success of the Aontroim Ladies GAA Senior Gaelic football team who won the all-Ireland title. The reception also recognised the achievement of the Antrim juvenile teams at u14, u16 and minor grades, who won provincial titles.

It was a great evening enjoyed by all and a fitting way to mark the end of remarkable year of sporting achievement. The teams did Aontroim proud and I commended the players, the managements, the trainers, in fact everyone and anyone who was involved in making this such a great year for Aontroim. It was mighty. Comhgairdeas.

Basil McLaughlin

Finally and on a sad note I want to say a few words of tribute to my friend Basil McLaughlin who died last week.

Basil was one of those who help found the Andersonstown News and the Andersonstown Civil Resistance Committee in the midst of great conflict and community turmoil in the early 1970’s. He had a great heart and was committed to his community. He was also a keen golfer, a warm and decent human being and a great friend. He will be missed by all of us but particularly his wife Pat and his family.

Monday, January 25, 2010

Jesus

25 Jan 10


This Blog will present one programme on Jesus in a new series on Channel 4 entitled The Bible: A History. The series started on Sunday evening.

When I was asked to present the programme I was very intrigued. The issues involved have interested me for a very long time. But I am hyper busy with my political duties and with family issues which are very much now in the public arena.

Despite all of this the programme is now almost finished and the Jesus programme is due for broadcast in early March.

I am a Catholic. An Irish Catholic. And despite all the let-downs and scandals that the Church, or at least a section of the Church, has been embroiled in, I remain a member.

When I was asked to do the programme the director Dan Reed appealed to me not to research or study the issues involved. He wanted me to learn on the job. I took that advice. My task was to discover the real Jesus – Jesus the man; the historical Jesus. We know only about one year of his life. Was it possible to look at what came before this? What type of person was he? Did he have siblings? Sisters? Brothers? Girl friends? Children? I was very taken by this challenge.

When I say that I am an Irish Catholic students of Irish history will know that I am not being xenophobic. Catholicism in Ireland for centuries was outlawed, repressed, forced underground by English governments. In my own lifetime Catholics were actively discriminated against in the north of Ireland and until recently Catholics were a frequent target for unionist death squads.

So being an Irish Catholic is distinctly different from being a Catholic in other spheres. This has shaped me and the community I come from and the Church I belong to. The colonisation of Ireland has also affected the Church. The teachings of its leadership have for generations been conservative, more about control that liberation.

When I was a teenager in the 60s there was no Archbishop Tutu or Bishop Romero to publicly campaign for peoples rights and in a changing Ireland the relationship between the faithful and the Church changed. Strictures and denunciations from Church leaders were challenged, particularly by younger people. The failure of the hierarchy to meet these challenges may be excusable but the elitist and judgemental attitude taken against members of their own flock at a time of great trauma – following, for example, the pogroms of 1969 or the killings by British forces were deeply hurtful for many Catholics. What would Jesus have done?

Spirituality or fundamental Christianity, like all the great religions have at their core a belief in human dignity and human rights. The institutional churches are human structures. They bring with them all of the failings of the human condition. In their internal processes and in the myriad maze of man-made rules and regulations, they sometimes lose their core message – the Jesus message.

And of course there is a myth that the conflict in Ireland was or is about religion. So where does Jesus fit into all of this?

As well as trying to discover the real Jesus my remit was to establish who killed him. I also wanted to explore how the Jesus message of love and forgiveness and his extraordinary sacrifice have affected me throughout my life during the conflict and the peace making processes in Ireland.

If Jesus had been Irish what would he have done? He too lived in an occupied country. There were a number of uprisings before, during and after his life. The desire of the Jewish people to be free of imperial rule was very strong. Indeed many of them were waiting for a Messiah to liberate them and to bring back the Kingdom of David. Did any of them see Jesus as a liberator. Is this what the Romans feared?

So I set about talking to experts and scholars here in Ireland. I explored Jesus’ ethical teachings with victims of the conflict. One was a victim of the IRA. The other was a victim of British state violence and collusion.

In the Holy Land I spoke to Jesus scholars from both the Christian and Jewish traditions. I visited many of the sites which feature in Jesus’ public ministry and talked to scholars and archaeologists. I was surprised to learn how Jewish Jesus was. That may seem a ludicrous thing to say but no where in Catholic teaching is that obvious fact clear. Jesus was not about establishing a new religion. He was about modernising a very old one. And many of the practices which Christians, including Catholics see as ours, are rooted in Jewish rites.

It’s long been my view that anti-semiticism is totally unacceptable and abhorrent, like racism and sectarianism. It was the Romans who put Jesus on trial. It was the Romans who executed Jesus. Yet the Jews get the blame?

I discovered that the roots of this lie in the gospel story about the passion of Christ. And that that story was written while the fledgling Christian Church was trying to convert the Romans. Much easier to do that if you weren’t blaming them for killing the Messiah.

I am also a strong supporter of the people of Palestine. I believe that the security of the people of Israel is tied inextricably with the Israeli government’s need to acknowledge and uphold the rights and security of the people of Palestine. I have visited the Palestinian territories before, including Gaza and the west Bank. These visits have saddened me very deeply, particularly the failure of the international community to do what it should to encourage a peace settlement. What would Jesus, the Palestinian do?

This time my visit was non political but we ran into the awful and very visible evidence of occupation and injustice. The tragic irony of all this was sharpened for me by my new and growing knowledge of the ancient history of the place.

I came away from this programme more aware of the relevance of Jesus’ message in these modern times. Not just in terms of forgiveness or peace making but also in social and economic issues. Jesus is about equality. About the poor. And the disadvantaged.

That much I knew before the programme but it was a very special experience to visit the places he lived in, to study his message in those places in a very focussed and protracted way and to talk to the experts. One thing is for certain. The core message of Jesus is relevant in today’s world. It retains the ability to motivate countless billions of people two thousand years after his execution.

If adhered to there would be no conflict, no hunger and no poverty in the world today. No wonder they crucified him.

Friday, January 22, 2010

There can be no preconditions

Blog January 21st 10

Apparently the DUP were sitting up at Stormont Castle on Thursday waiting for the Shinners to come and talk to them. Strange. This Blog had told Peter Robinson late the evening before that that phase of our discussions was over. I told him there would be a Sinn Féin national officer board meeting on Thursday and a report from Martin McGuinness on the negotiations would be discussed.

The failure of the DUP thus far to come up to the plate during the current round of negotiations shouldn’t come as any great surprise.

The DUP are looking over their shoulder at Jim Allister and then there are the ‘secret’ talks between the UUs and the DUP and talk of electoral pacts. That’s their own business and nothing to get too excited about. Except to note they told us they couldn’t do any business on the Sabbath – the very day they were busy on unionist unity business.

But lest we forget the DUP was born out of the anti civil rights politics of the late 60s and the firebrand unionism of the 19th and early 20th centuries that is rooted in sectarianism and a belief that Catholics are the problem – and the enemy. Hence the desire by some unionists, best exemplified by the Traditional Unionist Voice, not to have a Catholic about the place.

For this brand of unionism every compromise is a defeat; every conversation with a Shinner is weakness; every concession must be the last.

For these unionists and even others less hardline shaking hands or passing the time of day is too much. You wouldn’t believe the number of times this Blog has been alone in a lift at Parliament Buildings only for unionists to refuse to enter. Many a time this Blog has been tempted to stay in the lift as it goes up and down several times just to see what would happen!

Even their slightly less straight-jacketed colleagues think that just talking to a Shinner is a concession we should be really pleased and excited to receive.

Now let me be clear. Not every DUP’er behaves like this. In private many of them are relaxed and friendly. Maybe not great company in a pub but cordial nonetheless, pardon the pun.

The fact is that people are shaped by the political conditions in which they live. Underlying the politics of unionism is the affect of centuries of colonialism and of partition and a determination to maintain their status as top dog. They know the game is up. But it’s not over. So delay, delay, delay is the game plan.

This means that so far no unionist leader has acknowledged the role of the orange state and of unionism in creating the conditions for conflict. For them it’s everyone else’s fault, but especially the republicans!

Partition gave unionists a little Orange State. The glue that held it together was the Orange Order and other ‘loyal institutions’.

Even today most unionist politicians are in one or other of the loyal orders and those that aren’t listen attentively to what the Orange wants. And what is that in 2010?

They want the scrapping of the Parades Commission and progress on the ground – in other words marches through Catholic areas.

It’s sad that even now sectarianism and triumphalism still has such a huge grip on a large section of the unionist psyche. The orange card, played so often in the past to get their own way, is being played again as the DUP try to get the Orange Order what the Orange Order wants.

Sorry folks - it doesn’t work like that anymore. Those days are gone. The orange state is gone. The remnants remain and its legacy of institutionalised bigotry will take a long time to eradicate but change has taken place and the clock is not for going backwards.

The power sharing institutions have demonstrated their capacity to work, make local government more accountable and accessible and change peoples lives for the better.

But no one should underestimate the determination of unionism, allied to the political system – the so-called permanent government - which is still mainly unionist at its most senior levels – to prevaricate and stall and delay. To oppose change.

So, where are we now? There has been no product thus far as a result of the negotiations.

The Ard Chomahirle meets tomorrow and will hear a report on all this. The time has long passed for the transfer of powers on policing and justice. There can be no preconditions to that. Not on the Parades Commission; not on marches; not on equality and partnership government.

Tuesday, January 19, 2010

Support Aid for Haiti

January 19th 2010


Everything is relative. That has long been the view of this Blog. The problems afflicting the political process here pale to insignificance when set in the context of what is happening in other parts of the world.

That is not to say that we should not sort out our problems. Of course not. They need dealt with urgently and efficiently. But others have bigger problems. And we need to think of them also.

There are the people in the makeshift cities of multi-coloured blankets and sheets and bits of cloth which string as far as the eye can see. There are the people who stand about in their thousands dazed and confused. Others are desperately scrabbling at mounds of debris with their bare hands in a desperate race against time to find those who might still be buried beneath the rubble. While others stand behind barred gates with hands outstretched desperately hoping for something, anything, that will keep them and their families alive.

To watch it on our television screens only gives a small, though important, sense of the horror that the people of Haiti must be experiencing.

But being there would be different. It would be real. The sights, the sounds, the smells of devastation. The intense sense of loss and despair, of anger and determination. Of hope. Resilience. Heroism.

In Haiti the country’s worse earthquake in 200 years and the resulting aftershocks one week ago wreaked unimaginable devastation on that impoverished country. Someone in the media claimed that it was equivalent to 25 atomic bombs going off in that small country. This Blog doesn’t know if that is true but it does give some perspective on the enormity of the catastrophe.

It must have been terrifying. Buildings collapsing. The noise of the earth wrenching itself apart. The sounds of screams and fear as the ground shuddered and shook. It must have seemed as if the world was coming to an end – the apocalypse had arrived. And for the victims in a very real sense it was. The life they have known, which was already poverty ridden and chaotic, had within a short minute become immeasurably worse!

To be in Port-au-Prince and the surrounding area must be terrible. The stench of bodies lying in the streets or trapped beneath the rubble; the shortage of food and water growing worse as each day passes; blocked roads, the proliferation of improvised refugee camps; the injured and an absence of order and help and hope! Some reporters have described it as hell, and for those living it each day that must be how it feels.

None of this is unexpected or surprising. What is frustrating is that it took so long for the international community to react. It’s not as if these natural disasters don’t occur quite regularly. Remember Katrina? And Mozambique and Hurricane Mitch and the December 2004 Tsunami which killed hundreds of thousands all around the coast of the Indian Ocean?

And yet it still takes days and days for rescue teams to be mobilised and water and food and shelter and clothing to be marshalled and transported to the devastated region. That needs to change. The nations of this shrinking globe need to realise that the human cost of such disasters demands a speedy and organised response.

For Haiti it also means that its neighbours, especially the USA, and the EU and other powers must ensure that funds are made available to not just tackle the problems created now by this earthquake but that strategies and programmes are put in place to lift Haiti out of the poverty that made it the poorest nation in the western world.

John O Shea of Goal put it well, ‘If they wanted to invade Haiti all problems would be overcome.’ And he is right.

For not relief aid is urgently required. That must be the priority. So what to do? Well, support the Irish Aid organisations, all of whom already have people on the ground trying to help the Haitian people. They are doing an amazing job in the worst of conditions.

They need the money to buy the supplies that are desperately needed. For example, the Rotary Club in Limerick hopes to buy specially adapted Shelterboxes by the thousands for homeless families. The Shelterbox contains a sturdy tent that can hold up to 10 people and endure extremes of temperatures as well as bad weather conditions like heavy rain or wind.

The Shelterbox also contains basic equipment for this type of emergency, including a tool box, stove and blankets. But its designers haven’t forgotten the children and it also contains a bag with drawing books, pens and crayons.

Each Shelterbox costs 540 euro and their benefit to people who have lost everything has already been proven during other disasters.

So thank you to all of the Aid organisations helping the Haitian people, thanks to all those activists here and there making it possible, and if you are minded to help fund a Shelterbox then a special account has been set up at Bank of Ireland, 94 O'Connell St in Limerick - Account Number 42070429, Sort code 90-43-17.

Sunday, January 17, 2010

Response to Sunday Tribune

January 17th 10

Prior to the weekend the Sunday Tribune sent a series of questions to me relating to my brother Liam Adams.

The paper did not publish the full response it was given but produced an edited version. I think it only fair that readers have a chance to read the full piece.

Gerry Adams Response to Sunday Tribune


For the last few weeks the Sunday Tribune has been accusing me of not answering questions, of ‘dodging and weaving’ and avoiding the issues which were being raised. These assertions were made by Suzanne Breen in various media outlets. What Suzanne Breen failed to say was that neither she nor the Sunday Tribune had asked me any questions. Neither did they ask me for an interview and no attempts were made to contact me. Neither Suzanne Breen nor any other Sunday Tribune journalist bothered to turn up at any of the press events I hosted.

It was only when Sinn Féin briefed some journalists that our national Chairperson Declan Kearney was compiling a report of my brother Liam’s role in Sinn Féin for external as well as internal distribution, and after the Irish News carried this on Thursday, that your questions arrived.

Sinn Féin received them on Thursday night.

By Thursday morning our National Officer Board had already met to receive the report. The Party leadership structures were briefed on Thursday night that the report would be circulated to the membership on Friday morning and prior to its release to the media at lunchtime.

From the outset Sinn Féin made it clear that Liam Adams had been a member of the party. And as soon as the party had the details of the nature and duration of his role within the party we immediately made it public. This process took a number of weeks to complete.

Your newspaper’s offensive and almost hysterical treatment of a deeply complex, emotional family trauma falls far below objective journalistic standards. Your eagerness to attack me ignores the needs and rights of victims and survivors in my family and other family members who are private citizens.

It also ignores the reality that court proceedings are pending. Media coverage of this case will almost certainly be part of the defence.

The PSNI have written to me as a witness in the case. Three years ago after Áine went back to the police I also made a statement to the PSNI.

The PSNI letter explicitly advises me to refrain from speaking to the media about the case as it could possibly prejudice any future trial.

With this advice in mind I showed the questions from the Sunday Tribune to my solicitor Seamus Collins of PJ McGrory & Co. His advice is that he agrees with the contents of the letter from the PSNI that I should refrain from commenting further about these matters and he has advised me in the strongest terms not to respond to these questions. He believes that by answering the questions any future trial could be seriously compromised.

Nothwithstanding this, it is my intention and with my solicitors advice in mind, to deal with the matters you raise on the basis that what follows is already in the public domain.

Party Chairperson Declan Kearney has dealt with those questions that are a matter for the party directly and which were addressed in a report which he compiled over the last number of weeks and which was presented to Ard Chomhairle members on Friday morning.

My focus has been to ensure that due process takes place and that justice is done.
My concern throughout has been for my niece. The decisions I took and the approach I adopted were taken on the basis of the professional advice I was given in seeking to help Áine and the experience that I and my brothers and sisters acquired in coping with the consequences of my fathers serious abuse of some of our siblings.

This professional advice and experience convinced me that my role was to support the victims, protect the victim’s right to anonymity – while that was their wish – and to help bring closure and empower victims and their relatives.

Consequently, I did not tell anyone in Sinn Féin of the allegations. There has been no cover up by Sinn Féin. The party did not know of the allegations against Liam Adams. Therefore it could not take any action even within the party’s rules and regulations. It did nothing wrong.

Neither was there any cover-up by me. The facts are straightforward: when Áine made her allegations against her father it was one of my family members who accompanied her and her mother to the Social Services. The RUC were also informed. The statutory bodies with responsibility for dealing with child sexual abuse know of these allegations. The manner in which they then dealt with this requires scrutiny. The Sunday Tribune has conducted no such scrutiny. The RUC received a complaint of sexual abuse of a minor. What did it do?

Three years ago Áine decided to go again to the police. I also made a statement to the PSNI. I am therefore a witness in a pending court case involving my brother.
After the allegations were levelled against my brother, I only became aware on one occasion of his membership of the party. That was in 1997 when I heard that he was thinking of putting his name forward as a candidate. I blocked that and moved to get him to withdraw from the party.

I was not aware that he later involved himself with Sinn Féin in Lower Andersonstown . His decision to do this was reprehensible and deplorable. Had I known I would have acted to have him leave the party.

Over the years I had occasion to meet Liam. I volunteered this fact in a part of the UTV Insight programme that was not broadcast. Though I was estranged from Liam I never denied being in contact with him on family or other occasions. I used some of these opportunities to speak to him about Aine’s situation.

During this time also only a small number of my family members knew of the allegations against Liam. For me not to have participated in significant family events for him would have raised questions and risked breaking the confidences I had given. It would also have hurt other members of his family.

To summarise some other points:

As I told the UTV Insight programme I informed his second wife of the allegations against Liam.

I did not think it was appropriate for him to be canvassing during the Dail election in 1997 and I told him so afterward.

In respect of references to him in my book ‘Before the Dawn’ which deals with my life growing up in west Belfast , I included references to other siblings also. My account of my childhood memories is exactly that. It would have been highly irresponsible and wrong of me to make any reference to the allegations against Liam in the book.

Your information is incorrect. I did not say that I informed both youth projects.
When he worked in the Clonard Youth Club I tried to get him to leave and when he wouldn’t I ensured that the authorities in Clonard were made aware of the allegation. It has also since transpired that the RUC cleared him to work in this project despite being aware of the allegation.

In the case of the Blackie I approached him myself and told him to leave the job or I would go to the management of the project about the allegations. In this instance, he eventually resigned his position. It has also emerged that the PSNI cleared him to work in this project despite being aware of the allegation and in the face of radically changed legislation imposing more stringent checks.

During this time I was trying to facilitate a process between Liam and his daughter Áine. My approach to this and other family matters was guided by professional advice and also by experience and that of my brothers and sisters in coping with my father’s abuse of family members. The professional advice was to support the victims, protect the victims right to anonymity, while that was their wish and to help bring closure and empower victims and their relatives. This is what I sought to do at all times.

We will be forever indebted to the professional counsellors who helped us. Finally, any professional in this field will tell you that confidentiality is a critical consideration. This right extends also to members of my family and their dealings with counsellors and other professionals helping us deal with this trauma. 


*********************************************************************************

 


Over the last number of weeks Sinn Féin Chairperson Declan Kearney has compiled a report relating to the nature and duration of Liam Adams’ membership of Sinn Féin.

Following the UTV Insight programme we acknowledged that he had been a member of the party.

Having spoken to Gerry Adams, national party leadership, party members and examining available documentation we have established the following facts.


1. When did Liam Adams join Sinn Fein?
The first record of his membership is a cumann in Donegal in the mid 1980s.

2. What cumainn was Liam Adams a member of?
As far as we can establish he was a member of a cumann in Donegal for a short period in the mid 1980s, in Dundalk for a period in the 1990s and in Lower Andersonstown in Belfast from 2000 for a number of years. Sinn Féin was not aware of the allegations against Liam Adams. Clearly he should not have been a member of the party.

3. What officer positions did Liam Adams hold in Sinn Fein?
He was chair of the Louth Comhairle Ceantair for two and a half months in 1996. He held the position of secretary for one month before this time. He was also nominated as Education Officer but he did not take up this position. He held a number of positions in a local cumann in Lower Andersonstown including Chair for a short period.

4. How long was Liam Adams chairperson of the Louth comhairle ceantair?
He was chairperson of Louth Comhairle Ceantair for two and a half months in 1996 and he was appointed as secretary for one month.

5. Who nominated and seconded him for that position?
We have no record containing this information

6. According to Sinn Fein¹s constitution, the Comhairle Ceantair liaise with Sinn Fein¹s head office. With whom did Liam Adams liaise?
We have no record of any contact between Liam Adams and the party’s Head Office. The reality is that this function is normally performed on behalf of a Comhairle Ceantair by the relevant regional leadership structure overseeing local executives. Liam Adams was also only in this position for two months.

9. Before Dundalk, was Liam previously a member of Dublin Sinn Fein and/or associate with party members in Dublin?
As far as we can establish he lived in Dublin for a year or two in the early to mid 1980s. He was not a member of Sinn Féin but did attend republican events.

10. Did Liam attend ard fheiseanna as a delegate and if so when?
We don¹t know. Party records only go back to 1997. He was not a delegate after that date.

11. Did Liam speak at ard fheiseanna and if so when and on what subjects?
Head Office only retains records of keynote leadership speeches and key Ard Chomhlaire contributions. We do not keep records of each individual contributions at Ard Fheiseanna.

14. Was Liam involved in fundraising for Sinn Fein in any capacity?
He was Treasurer of the Lower Andersonstown cumann for a period and was a joint signatory on the cumann’s cheque book.

15. After Liam moved from Dundalk to Belfast, was he active in Sinn Fein in Belfast, and if so in what role?

From 2000 and for a number of years Liam Adams involved himself in localised party work in Belfast. Liam Adams did not re-apply to join the party as would be required by party procedures. He held a number of positions in a cumann in Lower Andersonstown, including chair, treasurer and other subsidiary roles for short periods.

16. Was Liam ever in Leinster House as a guest of a Sinn Fein politician?
We have no record of any such visits
Party guidelines

You have accused Gerry Adams of breaking the Sinn Féin constitution which you claim states when a member becomes aware of sexual allegations against another member they are bound to inform Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle whilst maintaining the anonynimity of the accused.

This is not in the Constitution nor is it accurate. Robust guidelines were adopted by the Ard Chomhairle in 2006. These make it clear that the nature of the allegations and the identity of the accused should be communicated to the statutory agencies immediately as well as the relevant party structure. If the accused is a Party member, he/she is immediately suspended without prejudice by the National Party Chair pending the conclusion of the appropriate statutory investigations.

Friday, January 15, 2010

Will they?Won't they?

January 15th 10

It has been a busy, surprising, eventful week in the political process.

Peter Robinson has gone – temporarily – from the Office of OFMDFM. He has availed of the rule that allows a Minister to take time off from his or her duties to attend to personal matters. Consequently, we now have a new First Minister, Arlene Foster – temporarily. This Blog wishes her well.

The Robinsons must have the space and the privacy in which to deal with their personal and family matters.

At the same time there is an urgent need to resolve those outstanding issues that have brought the process to crisis.

So, the Shinners and the DUP have been talking to each other and to the other parties. These discussions are ongoing and everyone knows the issues, especially the need for a date on the transfer of Powers on Policing and Justice.

This Blog is convinced that it is the will of the people that an agreement to resolve all of these matters is reached. With political will it can be done. Other big issues have come and gone and looking back many would wonder why they were ‘big issues’ in the first place! Remember when an Irish Taoiseach or government Minister couldn’t come north without street protests from Unionists or when talking to Sinn Féin was rejected on the basis that would it would be like speaking to the Devil?

The current difficulties are no different. No - that’s not quite right. In the past people might have been divided on the issue of the day but on Transfer of Powers all of the straw polls suggest an overwhelming community support for a resolution of this now.

So, the discussions continue. Least said at this time the better but this time too there has to be product – progress is mandatory.

A Personal Note

This Blog wants to thank everyone who has contacted me by whatever means they have used to offer their support and prayers and best wishes. They are all appreciated, especially when there are some who see the personal family tragedy of the wider Adams family as an opportunity to have a go at me.

As a political activist I’m fair game but the lies, misrepresentations, and at times hugely offensive language is very hurtful to our large family circle.

Much of it is also dangerous and not in the interests of the victim in light of a pending court case for extradition which is likely to see media reportage used as a rationale by a defence which will argue that Liam Adams cannot expect a fair trial in the north.

Anyway, Sinn Féin undertook an internal review to ascertain the relationship Liam Adams had with the party. It took a few weeks as the Sinn Féin Cathaoirleach Declan Kearney talked to party colleagues, and reviewed all of the available party documentation. The conclusion of that review was published this morning.

I just heard one of the journalists who has been running with this story saying that this work was only published because of her endeavours. This is bunkum. The Irish News was told of the report on Tuesday and carried a report on Thursday morning in which it said that Sinn Fein was preparing the report. The questions from the journalist only arrived in late on Thursday night!!!

I was given a copy of this report yesterday and was stunned to discover that Liam Adams had become a member of Sinn Féin in lower Andersonstown in west Belfast even after he had left the party in Louth.

Liam knew the basis upon which he had been pressed to leave Sinn Féin in Louth. His decision to ignore this, and re-involve himself in Sinn Féin in Belfast was reprehensible and deplorable. It should not have happened. Had I known that he was in Sinn Féin in Belfast I would have acted to have him leave the party.

Sinn Féin did not know of the allegations against Liam Adams and did nothing wrong. There was no cover-up. I sincerely regret that my colleagues have been the target of unfair and unjustifiable criticism by political opponents.

As for the allegation that I covered up. This is untrue. The statutory bodies, including the RUC, were told about this allegation in 1987. Three years ago, after my niece went to the PSNI, I made a statement to the PSNI in support of her and against my brother.

In parallel with this, my approach to dealing with family matters was guided by professional advice. And also by the experience the family had acquired in coping with my father’s abuse of family members.

The professional advice was to support the victims, protect the victims’ right to anonymity, while that was their wish, and to help bring closure and empower victims and their relatives.

I sought to do that at all times.

Tuesday, January 12, 2010

A Family Trauma

Jan 12th 10

Just before Christmas this Blog noted that I might deal with ‘some of the events in the life of my clan and in my own life … at some other time.’

In recent weeks some elements of the media have been critical of my handling of the issues arising from the allegations of sexual abuse against my brother Liam by his daughter Áine. Some have alleged cover-ups by me and by Sinn Féin.

Some political opponents have also very cynically sought to exploit this personal family trauma in a most offensive way.

Some have tried to compare my family’s efforts to deal with the trauma of child abuse, including the ordeal of discovering that our father was an abuser, with other issues in the political process at this time. This is disgraceful and deeply upsetting to our family.

There was no cover-up. No evasion. The fact is that it was one of my family members who, when we first became aware of the allegations, accompanied Áine and her mother to the Social Services.

A complaint was also made by Áine and her mother to the RUC.

Therefore the agencies with legal responsibility for dealing with these allegations were informed. There was no attempt to conceal or disguise or cover-up the allegations against Liam Adams.

Subsequently, I confronted Liam Adams on Áine’s accusation which he denied. I believed Áine.

After that he, and then separately Áine left the country for some considerable time.

When Liam Adams came back, although we were estranged, we were, as I made clear in a part of the Insight interview which UTV did not broadcast, in contact on a number of occasions and I continued to raise this issue with him.

When Áine came back to live in Ireland I offered to go to the police with her. I offered to go public with her and I told her I would support her in whatever action she might decide. Áine told me she wanted Liam to admit what he had done. There commenced a very long and difficult process in which I tried to create the circumstance for him to do precisely what his daughter wanted. He failed to do so.

I received professional advice during this period.

I was told by those with experience in helping victims of physical, sexual, domestic or psychological abuse that, unless the victim is a minor, it is not for anyone else to presume to take decisions for a victim or to publicly identify a victim. That the rights of the victim are vital and should be respected.

This has guided me throughout these last 20 years in dealing with the allegations against Liam Adams, and then the shock of learning that my father was an abuser.

When Áine went to the PSNI I made a statement to the police against my brother and in support of Áine’s case.

The criticism levelled against me is that Liam Adams was a member of Sinn Féin. While I was aware that he was in Dundalk - as I have said publicly I met him there –I was not aware of his membership of the party until I learned that his name was being mentioned as a possible candidate.

When I heard this I contacted him directly. His name did not go forward and as a result of my efforts he later left the party.

I want to make it clear that republicans in Dundalk and senior party colleagues were not aware of the allegations against Liam Adams. The simple fact is in my opinion he should not have been a member of Sinn Féin.

I have also acknowledged on a number of occasions publicly that I have regrets about how I dealt with aspects of this issue. I say this, with hindsight and in the context of today’s standards. However, it is important to state that for me this was first and foremost a private family matter in which all of us were reeling from the revelations around our father and some of us were trying to provide support and closure for those abused by him and for Áine. I did my best.

All of this has been and is extremely difficult and distressing and painful for me and my wider family. We decided to publicise the abuse in our family in the hope that our experience will assist other victims and survivors cope with what may have happened to them, and to demonstrate that it is possible to survive abuse.

As of now, despite the public attention, the case against Liam Adams has not proceeded. It is distressing that despite repeated assurances from the PSNI that the Gardaí had been fully informed, that a European Arrest Warrant was not ready when he handed himself into Gardaí in Sligo. It now seems that this is still several weeks away. The sooner this happens and the matter is brought before the courts the better. My niece Áine deserves justice and has my ongoing support.

Friday, January 8, 2010

Viva Palestina aid convoy reaches Gaza

January 8th 10





In the midst of all our local political controversy and ongoing revelations a jubilant John Hurson rang this Blog yesterday (Thursday) morning to confirm that the ‘Viva Palestina Convoy’ had finally reached Gaza with its urgently needed medical and humanitarian aid for the 1.5 million inhabitants of that besieged region.



John is a Tyrone man and one of many international aid workers and activists, including some from Ireland, who have devoted much of their time in recent years to helping the Palestinian people in the Gaza strip and west Bank.



Somewhat hoarse from the celebrations he reported that ‘517 people last night broke the siege’.



The convoy had been on the road since early December when it left London . It travelled through Europe, Turkey , Syria , Jordan and then back to Syria . Over 40 nations are represented in the convoy.



When the ‘Viva Palestina Convoy’ finally reached the Egyptian-Gaza border around December 24th there was a stand-off with Egyptian authorities refusing some of the vehicles access to Gaza and insisting they would have to go through an Israeli controlled checkpoint. The convoy organisers feared that this would mean some of the aid being blocked entirely and not reaching those who desperately need it.



The stand-off led to violence in which one Egyptian soldier was killed and dozens of convoy activists, including several from Ireland , were injured. However on Thursday evening the convoy was allowed through and was met by a jubilant crowd of Gazans.



159 lorries entered the Gaza strip while 59 other lorries containing generators returned to Syria where their equipment will be distributed to Palestinian refugee camps there and in Lebanon .



The convoy was originally scheduled to enter Gaza on December 27th the first anniversary of last years Israeli assault on the area which led to the deaths of around 1400 Gazan citizens, the majority of whom were civilians.



This Blog remains convinced that the Israeli siege of Gaza is illegal and immoral and should end. The international community should be ashamed of its failure to address this issue and end the siege.



As for John Hurson he is now in Gaza unloading his lorry and delivering the supplies he first loaded six weeks ago.



Among these is a selection of GAA jerseys and other equipment, including balls. John is a keen and enthusiastic Tyrone fan. Last November at an event in the grounds of Parliament Buildings at Stormont to dedicate a tree to mark 125 years of An Cumann Luthchleas Gael (the GAA), John told this Blog of his plan to establish a GAA club in Gaza within the existing Gaza Sporting Club.



According to John, Noam Chomsky, internationally renowned philosopher and political activist has agreed to participate and John has also secured the support of GAA activists, including Peter Canavan, who is co-President of the Gaza GAA Club.



In his call from Gaza he told this Blog of his hope to getting down now to getting the GAA club off the ground. In the meantime yesterday afternoon the geansais – jerseys – and balls were to be put to good work in a local soccer match. John said: “We can at least begin teaching them how to shoot the ball over the post!!”.



This Blog commends and fully supports John’s efforts and those of the hundreds of other activists who take great risks organising and participating in the aid convoys to Gaza .



As part of the necessary effort to rebuild a peace process the siege of Gaza should be lifted.

Thursday, January 7, 2010

Wishing Iris and Peter Robinson well

January 7th 10

The media and much of what passes as public discourse in this part of the
world has been dominated since Wednesday by the trials and tribulations of Iris and Peter Robinson.

This Blog was aware of the gale of rumours and speculation which surrounded this couple in recent times. Some of these stories were bizarre.

When I heard that Iris Robinson had resigned from public office and when
I read her statement on this and about the depression which afflicted her,
I was very sorry for her and for her husband and family. Nothing that has
emerged since then has caused me to change my mind.

Of course, I did not agree with Iris on lots of issues, particularly her remarks
on the gay community. And her style was brash and over the top at times.

But I also did some quiet work with her on health issues and particularly
on the mental health and suicide prevention strategies. As with some
other DUP representatives, I found when we engaged quietly and privately
we could find common cause. I commended Iris on this in the Assembly
and I do so again.

The matters revealed so far are private and personal family matters and
the Robinsons are entitled to space to resolve their marital difficulties.

Issues of public policy and of Peter’s responsibility to fulfil the obligations of his public office are another matter but his willingness to meet Martin McGuinness on Thursday and his stated intention to make 2010 a better year for everyone is to be welcomed.

It is on that issue that judgement should be made, not on private matters. Iris and Peter Robinson have the right and deserve the opportunity to rebuild their relationship. I wish them well.

Sunday, January 3, 2010

2009 AND ALL THAT.

The custom, this Blog is told by one who knows, is that as soon after the
stroke of midnight as possible you open the back door to let the old year
out. Then you open the front door to let the New Year in.

2010?

Who knows what the next twelve months will bring? There will be evocative
anniversaries, elections, and wars and peace processes and famine and
strife. There will be outrages and upsets. Mostly the worst side of all
this will be borne by the poor, the disadvantaged and the deprived. But
nobody really knows what will occur outside of these set pieces to shock,
outrage, enrage, surprise, uplift and delight us.

Still, it is good to be contemplating another year. Soon the days will
lengthened. They have already started. Each day’s light ‘growing longer
by a roosters step.’ And Spring will soon gladden our hearts.

New Years resolutions? This Blog has resolved not to make any. I am still
working on last years.

2009?

2009 is when Anna Colette came into our lives. A very good day in July.
She could have arrived a few times but chose the 6th because she knew I
would be around on that day. Great timing. She and I have been life long
friends ever since. Small people around the place are good for everybody.

In July our county was still playing football. What a summer!! And the
women won a national title. Yahooo!

Well done. Arís.

The poor hurlers didn’t do so well and football will probably dominate in
Aontroim this year but there are still enough good hurlers across the
county who deserve our support. So this Blog is not giving up on the
hurlers. Or the camógs.

The All Ireland Hurling Final was one of my sporting highlights. This Blog
was immensely privileged to be there. What a spectacle. What a treat. What
drama. There is nothing like hurling, well played, to lift the spirits. I
look back on that Tipp v Kilkenny epic with a sense of wonderment that a
game could be played with such skill, speed, conviction and passion.

The Football Final was good as well. Some people say that Cork didn’t
rise to the occasion. The truth is Kerry didn’t let them. For all my
disappointment that Tyrone didn’t make it the fact is The Kingdom are
worthy champions. Even Martin Ferris would admit that.

So the summer of 2010 has lots of sporting promise at national level. And
at club level as well. And as the summer approaches with its weekends
packed with games, all of us who admire our Gaelic sportsmen and women
will grow in knowledge and our ability to pass judgment on referees,
managers and other mere mortals will know no bounds.

2009 also saw Leonard Cohen in full whimsical flight in Belfast. I met a
man at wee Henry McKay’s funeral on the Falls Road and he told me he was
still on a spiritual high three weeks after the concert. I knew what he
meant. So did Henry I’m sure, even thought he probably never heard of
Leonard.

As for politics? That’s another Blog. For another day.

Before 2009 expired another small person joined us. KC, aka Kate Colette,
turned up to keep everyone sane and thankful for small miracles.

Maith sibh Áine agus Tommy. Agus go h’airithe KC.

2009 was a very good year after all. Failte romhat 2010.

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